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FROM THE 



%%\i^xi tA \\i ''^i\mmU\ irt t^xmti ui fdalg. 



REV. CARL'STRACK, 

Pastor near Giesseit, Germany. 



Translated from the German, 

BY CATHERINE E. HURST. 




CINCINNATI: >'^ 

HITCHCOCK* AND VSTALDBN. 

NEW YORK: 

NELSON AND PHILLIPS. 

1873. 



32 G- 537 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1872, 

BY HITCHCOCK & WALDEN, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 




p 



ONTENTS. 



CHAPTER. PAGE. 

I. Childhood and Youth, 5 

II. The Reformation in France — Marguerite 

of Valois, 37 

III, Literary and Religious Life in Italy, . 66 

IV. Happy Days at Ferrara, .... 96 
V. Divine Visitations, . . . . . .127 

VI. Renata's Return to France — Her Happy 

Death, 180 

VII. Renata's Children— Their Relation to the 

Poet Tasso, 221 




RENATA OF ESTE. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 

" The knowledge of all languages and of the richest 
treasures left us by the ancient world, I ow^e to my mother. 
Yet in science and real perception neither of her two daugh- 
ters was ever equal to herself. And yet, if either one could 
be at all compared to her, certainly to Lucretia belonged 
that right." 




HUS Leonora of Este expresses her 
opinion, in Goethe's " Torquato Tasso/' 
concerning her mother ; and that 
mother is the Christian woman whose biog- 
raphy we wish now to present to the reader. 
She was descended from a royal family, and 

the consciousness of the high position in 

5 



6 RENATA OF ESTE. 

which she was placed by birth and circum- 
stances never left her during her life. It is 
not, however, on account of any royal virtues 
that she possessed that she occupies a place 
in history, but because of those excellences 
of heart and mind which, possessed by women 
of any rank, make them worthy of imitation. 

She was a Christian whose strength and 
faith were proved in the fire of tribulation, and 
on whose life not even her bitterest foes could 
cast the slightest censure. 

Renata of Este was born on the 29th 
of October, 15 10, in the Palace of Blois, 
which was situated in the north-western part 
of France. Her father was Louis XII, the 
justly celebrated King of France, who, before 
his ascent to the throne, was Duke of Orleans. 
As early as his twelfth year he was betrothed, 
on political grounds, and entirely against his 
will, to the Princess Joanne, daughter of Louis 
XI. It is reported that corporal punishrrtent 
was inflicted upon him to force him to consent 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 7 

to the alliance. How could it be expected that 
such a marriage could do any thing more than 
have an injurious effect upon his character? 
His heart is said to have been attracted to 
the wealthy and beautiful heiress of Brittany, 
Duchess Anne, who reciprocated his affections. 
Notwithstanding he saw the necessity of ful- 
filling his engagement with the Princess Jo- 
anne, the marriage, as may be supposed, was 
not a happy one. The most noticeable feature 
in Joanne*s character was her gentleness and 
meekness ; but she was destitute of all per- 
sonal attractiveness, so that, in this respect, 
she won very few admirers, especially among 
the opposite sex. 

The Duchess- Anne of Brittany had also a 
marriage contract to fulfill against her will. 
She had been in every respect legally be- 
trothed to the brave Emperor Maximilian ; 
and this marriage was, as is frequently the 
case with princesses and princes, arranged by 
embassadors. Maximilian was, just at that 



8 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

time, busily engaged in Hungary protecting 
the boundaries of his country against the re- 
peated attacks of the Turks, and was, there- 
fore, prevented from visiting his affianced 
bride, or, more strictly, his wife. 

Charles VIII, the French king, who also 
wished to marry Anne, was very desirous of 
breaking this engagement, and taking the place 
of Maximilian at Anne's side, so that he might 
thus unite the dukedom of Brittany with the 
French Crown. In order to accomplish his 
purpose, he led large forces of troops into 
Brittany, and, by cruelly desolating the coun- 
try and besieging its capital, compelled the 
young duchess, out of sympathy for her sub- 
jects, to yield all opposition, and consent to 
his proposals. He died, however, in 1496, 
without an heir to the throne. His successor, 
who was his nearest relative, as we have be- 
fore mentioned, was the Duke of Orleans, 
Louis XII, who now took possession of the 
French Crown. He had already passed the 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 9 

excited and passionate period attending youth, 
and reached that time in life when self-control 
and discretion had gained the ascendancy. 
Immediately on the commencement of his 
reign the highest hopes were awakened for 
him on the part of his subjects. 

After entering upon his new position, he 
was advised by one of his courtiers to retal- 
iate the unkindnesses which had previously 
been dealt him by his enemies. He replied, 
"It is not becoming the king to inflict pun- 
ishment for improprieties that have been com- 
mitted against the Duke of Orleans^ He 
immediately gave striking proof that he had 
the welfare of his subjects at heart. In all 
branches of his administration, and especially 
in awarding justice, he carried all the essen- 
tial reforms into action. This principle was 
firm and unshaken in later life. He was 
kindly disposed to all, and possessed the wis- 
dom of the true ruler. During his entire reign 
he pursued the same course, always ready to 



10 RENATA OF ESTE, 

observe order and right, and to contribute to 
the happiness of his subjects. 

Very soon after he ascended the throne he 
was induced to perform an act which, from a 
Christian point of view, was certainly wrong. 
It was to separate from his present wife, Jo- 
anne, and be united with the widowed Queen 
Anne. Perhaps the old love was kindled anew 
in his heart, or, it may be, he feared that, if 
Anne were united to another, Brittany would 
be lost to France. It is believed generally, 
however, that he had both objects in view. 
Which was the greater, we are not prepared to 
say. Being separated from Joanne was a very 
trying ordeal for King Louis. It is well 
known that sometimes, in Rome, when the 
circumstances require it, more shrewdness is 
employed than unshaken adherence to fixed 
principles. We will give two of the king^s 
principal reasons for the separation. One was, 
that he was too nearly related to Joanne, as 
her father had. stood for him in baptism ; the 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. II 

other was, that the marriage was not a real 
one, as it was enforced. In addition to facti- 
tious reasons, the Pope was more easily influ- 
enced by the circumstances that he regarded a 
friendly alliance with the King of France as 
highly advantageous to himself 

The separation was determined upon on the 
seventeenth of December, 1498, and as soon 
as the following month, January, King Louis 
and Anno^^ere formally united in marriage. 
They now went to reside in the palace of 
Blois, where they spent many happy days. 
Louis had this home of his ancestors restored 
at great expense. By the aid of the best Ital- 
ian artists, he had it arranged in the latest and 
most magnificent style. The new piazzas were 
decorated with arabesques. The many es- 
cutcheons combined the lilies of France with 
the ermine of Brittany. 

The king's engagements in the Italian war 
so occupied his time that it was only occasion- 
ally, and then for rest and recreation, that he 



12 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

could give brilliancy and pleasure to his kingly 
household at Blois, so that the queen was left 
much alone. Whether, however, he was pres- 
ent or absent, Queen Anne was the very spirit 
and life of the court. She showed in her 
whole demeanor a queenly bearing, which was 
dignified and firm, as it was founded upon no 
mere fancy, but upon real superiority of char- 
acter. She had inherited from her father, Duke 
Francis II of Brittany, a great love for the 
sciences and fine arts ; and this love had not 
diminished with years. She sought the soci- 
ety of the most learned and attractive spirits 
of the times, and assisted and sustained them 
wherever it was in her power. Beside, she 
brought to the palace several of the daughters 
of French noblemen, and had them almost 
constantly in her presence. The young ladies 
found in the society of this queen an excellent 
school. In regard to discipline and good mor- 
als, she was inexorably firm, but, at the same 
time, elegance and refinement were decidedly 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 1 3 

apparent. She demanded from all who sur- 
rounded her, whatever had been their previous 
standing, absolute obedience. 

So long as she lived she retained the entire 
control of the Duchy of Brittany, and knew 
well how to conceal every uncalled for, or what 
appeared to her unpleasant, influence against 
her proceedings. The king himself scarcely 
ever, if ever, was permitted to share in the 
government of this province. 

Yet Anne was universally beloved, not only 
by those in her immediate circle, but also by 
the people in general. Though fully con- 
scious of her dignity as queen, she was nev- 
ertheless condescending, and closed neither 
heart nor hand to the poor and needy. She 
knew exactly how to temper the natural par- 
simoniousness of her husband, and to change 
it to prudent economy. She harmonized least 
of all with him in matters of religion. He 
was frequently in arms against the reigning 
Pope, Julius II, who exerted himself in every 



14 REN AT A OF ESTE, 

way to break the dominion of the French in 
Ital)^, while Louis made every effort to in- 
crease and strengthen it. The reciprocal an- 
tipathy became so great that the Pope excom- 
municated the king. Louis would have gone 
much farther in hostile acts against the Pope 
if Anne had not restrained him. 

A historian of that time, Bernier, in his 
" Histoire de Blois," gives us the following ac- 
count of his religious state : " He is pious and 
Catholic, without being hypocritical ; for he is 
always careful not to offend God, and on every 
occasion expresses his gratitude rather with 
deeds than with words. It likewise seems to 
him that God is much better pleased when 
one manifests toward him a pure and undis- 
guised will, rather than a long speech and 
elaborate gesticulations." 

He founded but few new cloisters, being 
more intent on the refarmation of those al- 
ready existing, He re-erected a number of 
dilapidated churches. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 15 

Anne, on the contrary, had been trained in 
the strictest obedience to the Catholic Church, 
and therefore frequently disapproved the con- 
duct of her husband. She even called forth a 
strong declaration of the people of Brittany 
against the Council to be held in Pisa in 
15 1 1, because at this Council measures would 
be taken to raise a barrier against the assump- 
tions of the Pope, and to inaugurate improve- 
ment of the strongly rooted evils prevailing in 
ecclesiastical affairs. In this controversy, the 
scruples of Anne's conscience gained the as- 
cendancy over the feelings of her heart and 
over her patriotism. Her husband was strongly 
opposed to her course, and on this occasion ad- 
dressed these serious words to her : *' Do you, 
Madame, think that you are more learned than 
so many doctors, who have given their ap- 
proval to this Council } Has not your chap- 
lain taught you the doctrine that women should 
have no voice in matters of the Church T' 
Louis allowed himself to be persuaded as 



1 6 RENATA OF ESTE. 

little by the remonstrances of his wife as by 
the threats of the Pope. He labored with 
great earnestness for the sundering of the 
French Church from Rome, and the French 
people generally supported him, for they knew 
very well that only in this way could great 
accessions be made to the power of France. 
Anne's attachment to the Catholic Church not 
unfrequently took the form of impatience, and 
sometimes led to oppressive measures against 
the Jews. 

A grief more profound than this, however, 
weighed upon Anne's heart through her entire 
life. During her first marriage she had three 
little sons, all of whom died in their infancy. 
By her second marriage she was called to 
mourn the loss of two more, being left now 
with only one little daughter, Claude, upon 
whom, alone, she lavished her heart's warmest 
affections for several years, until Renata, the 
subject of this book, was born. The mother 
had selected this name, signifying the new- 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 1 7 

born (Renee), with the fond anticipation that 
her much-hoped-for desire would be gratified. 
The baptism of this little princess was cele- 
brated with. unusual splendor in the chapel of 
the palace. The entire palace, on this occa- 
sion, was decorated with the most beautiful 
tapestry, upon which were representations from 
both sacred and profane history. 

Anne loved her children with the most ar- 
dent tenderness, always calling them, contrary 
to court etiquette, by their first name. She 
would never be absent from them but a few 
days at a time, and even then would arrange 
to receive intelligence as frequently as pos- 
sible. 

Claude was ten years older than Renata. 
She had been well trained, and possessed an 
open heart and loving disposition. She could 
not boast of a beautiful exterior; and was, 
therefore, in this respect, much inferior to her 
sister, which unavoidable fact was not very 
agreeable to her in her earlier days. 



1 8 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

At one time, in a conversation that the 
king had with his wife upon the difficulty of 
finding a suitable husband for their daughter 
Renata, the queen made the following reply: 
"The love which is excited only from a beau- 
ful exterior soon passes away; but the love 
generated from a sweet disposition and loving 
heart can not be exchanged or thrown away." 

The public had already become interested 
in this marriage, and were desirous that no 
opportunity should be lost for the temporal or 
spiritual advancement of the young princess. 
There was no difficulty, however, in finding a 
suitable person for her; for while she was yet 
in her infancy the Emperor Maximilian de- 
sired one of the two, and especially the elder, 
for his grandson Charles. Anne was exceed- 
ingly pleased with this proposition. As she 
had been prevented a few years previous from 
marrying Maximilian, it was a great satisfac- 
tion to her to know that one of her children 
might become the affianced of his grandson. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 1 9 

A treaty was made in Blois, in 1504, that, 
if Louis XII were to die without a male heir 
to the throne, Claude, who had become the 
affianced of Prince Charles, should have, for 
her marriage dowry, Burgundy, Brittany, Mi- 
lan, Genoa, and a claim to Naples. 

This proposition was very disadvantageous 
to France, and the French people were op- 
posed to its consummation ; it was, therefore, 
abandoned in the following year. Anne then 
exerted herself to carry out a much-cherished 
desire that she had entertained for a long 
time, and this was to unite her family with 
the house of Austria. But the king and the 
French people had another plan, which was 
to unite Claude with Duke Francis of An- 
gouleme, who would probably be heir to the 
French throne. Although Anne was opposed 
to this engagement, she comforted herself with 
the thought that perhaps through Renata her 
much-cherished wish might be fulfilled. This 
prospect, too, was blighted, as will be seen 



20 REN ATA CTF ESTE. 

hereafter, but without any unpleasant re- 
sults. 

It was Maximilian's desire that, as his en- 
gagement with Anne had been so wantonly 
broken at a previous time, the Princess Claude 
be sent to Austria as the affianced of his 
grandson. But this could not be accom- 
plished, as there was a strong party in France 
strictly opposed to it, and especially Louise of 
Savoy, the mother of the probable heir to the 
throne. 

This cunning and intriguing woman lived 
apparently in strict seclusion, as an exile, 
several miles from Blois, at the Castle of 
Amboise, as the widow of the Count of An- 
gouleme. 

But she- could ill suppress her ambitious 
thoughts and plans, and labored in every way 
that she could against Queen Anne, who was 
very odious to her. These two persons, not- 
withstanding some points of resemblance, were 
of very different character. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 21 

The Countess of Angouleme was devoid of 
the moral earnestness and dignified bearing 
of the queen, and this may have contributed 
not a little to the mutual hostility. In vain 
did the king employ his efforts to bring about 
a reconciliation between the two women. No 
one knows what would have been the result 
of this enmity if, on the 9th of January, 15 14, 
the death of the queen had not prevented any 
farther disturbance. 

Almost all historians who have described 
the life of Anne unite in the testimony that 
she was one of the most perfect queens of 
her age, and that she by far excelled all her 
royal sisters by wisdom, piety, pure morality, 
and other virtues ; and to her belongs the 
great merit of having brought back her hus- 
band from an unrestrained youth to a well- 
regulated and moral life. 

The king had the following inscription 
placed upon her grave: "Earth and heaven 
have divided Queen Anne between them. The 



22 RENATA OF ESTE. 

earth has taken her body, which lies under 
this tombstone — the world will ever take the 
honorable rights of the queen — and Heaven 
has received her spirit for a permanent pos- 
session." 

The king, at first, was inconsolable over this 
affliction, and secluded himself for several days 
in his room, without even allowing his most 
attached servant to come to him ; and we have 
every proof that this grief was sincere. He 
soon recovered, however, to all appearance, his 
usual cheerfulness, and sought out, with a view 
to marriage, his deceased wife's most intimate 
friend. He thought, perhaps, by a third mar- 
riage a prince might be born, who would be 
heir to the French throne; and in this case he 
would have the pleasure of disappointing the 
Countess of Angouleme, who was making great 
calculations upon seeing her son Francis the 
ruler of the French. The king's friends made 
several marriage proposals to him, but none 
met with his approbation. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 23 

Finally, he married Marie, sister of the En- 
glish king, Henry VIII. But this marriage 
was of very short duration ; for as soon as 
the first of January, 15 15, King Louis died. 
His death was mourned by the whole country, 
both by high and low. Every body felt it, 
and especially the French people ; for he had 
won for himself the title of " Father of the 
People." The love of the country people for 
him was so great during his life-time that, 
when he made a journey through the country, 
they would travel several miles to see him, 
and considered themselves very fortunate if 
they could come near enough to wave their 
pocket-handkerchiefs so as to touch his person 
or clothing. This handkerchief was then pre- 
served by the fortunate owner as a most sa- 
cred relic. 

Renata was yet too young to appreciate the 
blessing or the full advantage of having had 
such parents. But this blessing was not with- 
out its traces in her character and life. We 



24 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

see in her what is so frequently overlooked in 
training, that the earliest years are of special 
importance in the formation of character, and 
that the impressions that one then receives 
can not be fully dissipated by any of the influ- 
ences of subsequent life. 

Renata preserved a loving remembrance for 
her parents. It was found later that she had 
expressed her thoughts, at that time, in her 
journal in the following manner: '' In the first 
place, I am under obligations to my Heavenly 
Father that it has pleased him to create me, 
and to permit me to appreciate the magnifi- 
cence of his works ; and, further, I am grate- 
ful to him that he gave me a father who won 
for himself the name of ' Father of the Peo- 
ple;* and that, too, I was born of a queen 
whose goodness and dignity were acknowl- 
edged by all who knew her, and that she be- 
stowed upon me, from my earliest infancy, the 
tenderest affection. In addition to all these 
mercies, I am grateful that through severe 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 2$ 

affliction he has sustained and kept me hum- 
ble and lowly." 

Undoubtedly, the chief virtues of Renata's 
parents were reflected in her character. From 
her mother she inherited that dignity which, 
according to circumstances, could ascend to 
heroism, and which was connected with a 
laudable sense of her position and birth. 
From her father she received her goodness 
of heart and love of righteousness, and a 
mildness and submissiveness which she exer- 
cised whenever it was necessary. 

Upon the entrance of the new king, Francis 
I, to the throne, the life of the court assumed 
an altogether different character ; and we can 
not assert that a change for the better oc- 
curred. Immediately after Anne's death Fran- 
cis married Claude, the daughter of his prede- 
cessor. But she was not able to exercise over 
those amidst whom she was surrounded that 
spirit of strict morals which she had imbibed 
in her parental home. She had not been long 



26 RENATA OF ESTE, 

in her new position before she expressed a 
wish to return to Blois, which had become so 
dear to her, and here, far removed from the 
dissipations of the court, to spend the greater 
part of the year. The king complied with her 
wishes, and troubled himself very little about 
her as long as she did not interfere with his 
dissolute life. 

It was then customary among the French 
nobility to send their daughters to the court 
of the king for education and culture. But, 
alas ! the young ladies no longer learned here, 
as formerly, a correct view of life, but, rather, 
a frivolity and love for the world and its 
gayeties. The king himself took the lead by a 
bad example; even his mother stood in bad 
repute, and, by her general conduct, gave suf- 
ficient occasion for it. Only in one respect 
were the old times maintained or even im- 
proved. There prevailed among the royal 
families and the courtiers an ardent desire for 
learning, and a zeal in the pursuit of it. As is 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 2/ 

well known, that was the period when the 
study of the ancient classics received new 
attention among the Western nations. Even 
ladies cultivated with ardor the Latin and 
Greek languages, in order to be able to under- 
stand the chief authors who had written in 
them. This taste for ancient learning was 
diligently promoted by King Francis, and es- 
pecially by his sister Marguerite. Men of 
science and art received abundant encourage- 
ment and support from the royal family, and 
in consequence thereof their number greatly 
increased. 

Renata was so fortunate as to experience 
only the beneficent, and not the deleterious, in- 
fluence of the life of the French court. The 
atmosphere which she breathed was not laden 
with the pestilential spirit of the increasing 
moral corruption. Her sister Claude occupied 
still, as at her father's time, the castle of Blois ; 
and she labored, as far as she could, for the 
welfare of the subjects, and the inhabitants of 



28 RENATA OF ESTE. 

the district of Blois, who had been committed 
to her management. She acquired universal 
love and respect because of her humane 
efforts ; and she was called simply the " Good 
Queen " by all who knew her. 

She regarded the care of her sister, now five 
years old, as one of the most sacred duties 
that her parents had imposed upon her. She 
could take the place of a mother, and she did 
it, notwithstanding her own youth. Renata 
lived within her immediate circle, and found 
just what she needed in order to increase as 
in years so also in wisdom and the favor of 
God and man. She received all necessary in- 
struction in every thing that cultivated and 
royal ladies of that period were accustomed to 
learn. All the persons who had any influence 
in. her education were so carefully selected that 
they could not do otherwise than work for the 
development of the excellent talents of mind 
and qualities of heart of the young princess. 
Her real teacher, Michaele de Saubonne — 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 29 

Madame de Soubise — spared no pains to dis- 
charge the duty with which she had been 
intrusted. Since the deceased king had in- 
structed her to educate his daughter aright, 
how could she fail in carrying out his impor- 
tant request ? 

Among the associates of Renata there was 
a young English noble lady, who has acquired 
a sad celebrity in history. This was Anne 
Boleyn, subsequently the unfortunate wife of 
Henry VIII of England, and who fell a victim 
to her husband's caprice. Renata was espe- 
cially attracted to her, and cherished the most 
friendly recollection of her to old age. 

A new and painful loss was soon to befall 
Renata. On the twentieth of July, 1524, her 
motherly sister Claude died, who, with her 
. royal name, had found more thorns than 
roses. Even the king was overwhelmed with 
sorrow, at least for the moment, on receiving 
the news of the death of his good and virtuous 
wife. It did seem as if his conscience awoke 



30 RENATA OF ESTE. 

within him, and recalled to him the pains and 
sorrows that the queen had suffered on ac- 
count of him. Yet this better feeling was 
merely transitory. 

From this time forth, Marguerite of Valois, 
the king's sister, exercised so decisive an influ- 
ence on the training of Renata that it is 
important that we should devote some pages 
to her in the present and following chapters. 
Born in the year 1492, she exhibited very 
early extraordinary endowments and an insa- 
tiable thirst for learning. She not only ac- 
quired a knowledge of a number of the modern 
languages, but of the Latin, Greek, and He- 
brew. Besides this, she spent much time in 
cultivating a knowledge of the belles-lettres 
sciences ; such as history, philosophy, and 
even theology. 

In 1509, she was married to the last Duke 
of Alencon, in whose castle she spent the first 
years of her married life. When her brother 
Francis ascended the throne, he gave her a 



CHILDHOOD AND youth: 31 

home in his palace. Here she shone by vir- 
tue of her goodness, and especially by her 
learning, gentleness, and personal dignity. 
The king frequently sent to her the foreign 
embassadors, and particularly such as he 
wished to win to his interests ; for he knew 
that no one could resist the power of her elo- 
quence. Both brother and sister, Francis and 
Marguerite, were so attached to each other by 
the bonds of real love as, in this respect, to be 
almost without an example in history. But 
Marguerite's life was elevated far above that 
of her brother. She was a noble exception to 
the corruption prevailing at the royal court, 
and hence the better spirits were especially 
attracted to her. Poets from all quarters lav- 
ished praises upon her. If there was any 
body capable of supplying to Renata the loss 
of mother and sister it was Marguerite. 
While she did not possess that moral earnest- 
ness that we have seen in Anne and Claude, 
she nevertheless withstood all the temptations 



32 RENATA OF ESTE, 

of a corrupt court. In every respect she found 
herself a true friend and reliable counselor for 
the orphan princess. Particularly in Renata's 
studies did she render important service, be- 
cause of her great soundness of judgment in 
regard to education. 

It is not surprising that Renata was very 
early lauded by her contemporaries for her 
remarkable progress in all branches of knowl- 
edge. Notwithstanding her want of outward 
beauty, she was, nevertheless, a lovely charac- 
ter, and whoever came in contact with her 
immediately forgot the want of physical charms 
when he saw how abundantly they were sup- 
plied by sterling inward qualities. 

Many offers for her hand furnish abundant 
proof that foreign princes knew her worth. 
Once more a union between herself and the 
Emperor Charles V was talked of. Political 
grounds, however, decided against it, as they 
still do in Europe in matrimonial alliances of 
crowned heads. She was likewise desired by 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH, 33 

the Elector James I of Brandenburg, to be- 
come the wife of his son, James II. Yet this 
plan, too, failed of consummation, as King 
Francis I found it would not be to his interest ; 
and he had it in his power to arrange the mar- 
riage of this princess. 

At this time, a totally different marriage 
project, and one quite in harmony with 
French interests, presented itself. It was 
this : That Renata should win to her side, 
and again to his country, General Charles of 
Bourbon, who had gone over to the Emperor 
Charles V. But it was reported, and with 
truth, that the king's mother, Louise of Sa- 
voy, had been casting a longing eye toward 
this stately man, and, by her cunning efforts, 
had made considerable progress toward the 
execution of her plan. 

So Renata, at last, was obliged to become 
a sacrifice to French policy. King Francis 
wished to unite to himself the princely fami- 
lies of Italy, and especially the illustrious and 



34 RENATA OF ESTE, 

influential house of Este, which reigned at 
Ferrara; and when Hercules II, in 1527, 
desired the hand of the Princess Renata, 
Francis immediately gave his consent. A 
few months later, on the 28th of June, 1528, 
the wedding was celebrated, and Renata made 
the journey to Italy. She received, as a mar- 
riage dowry, thirty-six thousand dollars, and, 
besides this, an annuity of seven thousand 
two hundred dollars, as a revenue from sev- 
eral estates and castles that had been as- 
signed to her. In return, she was obliged to 
renounce all other claims that she, under any 
pretext, could otherwise urge. On the occasion 
of the marriage, the duke, the father of Prince 
Hercules, presented to his daughter-in-law a 
jewel valued at one hundred thousand dollars. 
In Reggio, they were received by Duke 
Alphonso, attended by the most brilliant of 
the nobility; and, on the 12th of Novem- 
ber, in the same year, the princess entered 
Modena, where, sitting under a canopy of state, 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 35 

she was received by the clergy and the peo- 
ple. They remained in this city until the 
22d of the same month, where all was gayety 
and rejoicing. The city had been splendidly 
adorned, and great feasts and entertainments 
were made every day. The multitude of 
presents made by communities and indi- 
viduals to the prince and princess can not 
be described. But still more magnificent 
were the festivities and splendor that charac- 
terized their reception in Ferrara. Amid the 
ringing of all the bells and the thunder of 
many cannon that had been placed on the 
banks of the Po and the ramparts of the 
fortifications, she entered beneath a canopy, 
her head adorned with a golden crown. After 
this, they were borne in a sedan-chair through 
the principal streets of the city, which had 
been decorated with red, white, and green 
flags, attended by eighty boys, sons of noble- 
men, who were dressed in carmine-colored 
cloth, wore red caps, and carried red staffs. 



36 RENA TA OF ESTE, 

Princess Renata, though but eighteen years 
of age, soon succeeded in winning the hearts 
of her new subjects. She was friendly and 
kind toward every body, and, whenever she 
had occasion, opened wide her hand for the 
support of the needy. 

Among persons of education she soon be- 
came beloved and respected, since she her- 
self had attained a height of learning that 
was reached by few of her sex of any class. 
She had an extraordinary knowledge of the 
Latin and Greek, so that she was able to 
read the most difficult authors in these lan- 
'guages. In theology and philosophy she had 
made great progress. She had even studied 
astronomy and astrology. Hence, as might 
be expected, she was regarded as an equal 
by the learned men of her age. In one 
word, Renata, now of Este, was a remarkable 
phenomenon. 



11. 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE— MARGUERITE 
. OF VALOIS. 



ENATA'S youth, therefore, occurred 
at a time when a spiritual movement, 
like a continuous flowing of waters, 
inundated all lands, especially those of West- 
ern Europe. France could not remain un- 
moved by it ; and, indeed, all the less so, 
because a century before a similar movement, 
although not to so great an extent, had taken 
place in the central part. In France, the 
hierarchy and the Church had met with no 
insignificant opponents to the prevalent eccle- 
siastical forms, who could hardly be suppressed 
by the power of arms. Who does not here 



38 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

call to mind the Waldenses and Albigenses, 
and the crusade which was preached and con- 
ducted against them ? The Waldenses lived 
in some of the mountain valleys of Piedmont, 
as well as on French soil, and the quiet and 
peaceful life which they lived, in all honesty 
and godliness, led the best members of the 
Church to meditation. 

The French kings were often in battle 
against the assumptions and encroachments 
of the ecclesiastical power, as we have seen 
in the case of Louis XII, the father of Re- 
nata. It was necessary- that this should be 
carried on with spiritual weapons, if it would 
arrive at a happy result ; with the edge of the 
sword it was not possible to break the power 
of Rome. For this reason the Augustine 
monk of Wittenberg, Martin Luther, had 
done it more injury than a princely antago- 
nist could possibly have done. 

France had, at the same time, and even 
before Luther, produced learned men who, by 



REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 39 

their investigations into the Scriptures, had 
arrived at the conviction that the doctrines 
held by the Church as valid, stood in manifold 
opposition to the Word of God. 

One of these honest inquirers after the 
truth was Jacob Lefevre, a native of Etaples, 
a small town in Picardy. He had made him- 
self extensively acquainted with the then 
known sciences, and the rich treasures of ex- 
perience which he had gathered in his travels 
had freed him from many of the prejudices of 
his contemporaries. When he was intrusted 
with a professorship in Paris, he had no 
intention of entering into opposition with the 
Church. His lectures met with extraordinary 
approval, and were listened to by great num- 
bers. For that very reason he excited the 
envy and suspicion of the theological faculty 
at Paris, the so-called Sorbonne. He was 
closely watched ; but up to the time in ques- 
tion no cause of complaint had been found 
against him. He proved himself to be a 



40 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

true member of the Church, especially as a 
worshiper of the Virgin Mary, and even had 
in view to rewrite the legends of the saints. 
He, therefore, made further investigations 
into the Scriptures, in order to be able to 
establish his account on a sure foundation. 
The result of his researches was, however, 
quite different from what he had expected. 
He was convinced that the doctrine of justi- 
fication by works did not harmonize with his 
proposed work, and announced, independently 
of Luther, and even before his time, as early 
as 1512, the doctrine that man is justified only 
by faith in Christ. 

Among the scholars in whom this living 
spark found fuel, who deserve special atten- 
tion, is William Farel, who was born in the 
same year as Luther. He had inherited from 
his parents, and especially from his mother, an 
earnest religious feeling and a deep reverence 
for the Church and its requirements. He was, 
therefore, not a little shocked when his beloved 



THE REFORM A TION IN FRANCE, 4 1 

teacher expressed and defended the opinion 
that the exercises of the Church were without 
meaning, and that under some circumstances 
they were even pernicious, and that true salva- 
tion was only to be found by faith in Christ. 
William Farel searched the Scriptures for him- 
self, and the result was, that he became more 
intimately attached to his teacher. They mu- 
tually encouraged each other. The old man 
moderated the fiery zeal of the youth, while 
the latter animated the courage and persever- 
ance of the former. 

A third associated himself with them, being 
of the same mind, and found a peaceful res- 
idence in a cloister near the city. This was 
William Briconnet, Abbot of the Cloister of 
St. Germain, in the neighborhood of Paris, for 
a long time previously the royal embassador 
to Rome. In this capacity he had become 
acquainted with the errors at the seat of 
its rulers. He determined, if it were in his 
power, to bring about a better state of things. 



42 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

He, therefore, willingly extended the hand of 
friendship to these men. In the year 15 16, he 
became Bishop of Meaux. In this position he 
was soon convinced how much room for im- 
provement there was. Most of the priests lived 
far away from their parishes and their livings, 
in the rioting of city life, while badly paid and 
ignorant representatives, mostly monks, car- 
ried on the business of the parish in the true 
spirit of hirelings. Briconnet wished to do 
away with this crying evil, and made use of 
the necessary measures ; but he found more 
opposition than he had expected. These jeal- 
ous ecclesiastics refused to comply with his 
arrangements. Since all his exertions ap- 
peared to be lost on the priests, the bishop 
endeavored to replace the unsuitable vicars by 
better ones. He needed, for the prosecution 
of this plan, some zealous assistants ; and 
whom he called around him, in preference to 
all others, we need scarcely mention. They 
were Lefevre and Farel, and, besides, Michael 



THE REFORMA TION IN FRANCE. 43 

d'Arande and Gerard Roussel. These men 
preached in quite a different manner from 
what the people had been accustomed to hear- 
ing, and excited extraordinary attention. The 
bishop often entered the pulpit, and instructed 
the people, by taking the Word of God for his 
foundation, as to the true way to salvation. 
He also expressed the wish that the people 
might not follow his example, if he should ever 
speak contrary to this opinion. 

Lefevre, at the suggestion of the bishop, 
translated the four Gospels into French, and 
the bishop distributed this translation through- 
out his diocese at his own expense. The con- 
sequences of these measures were very grati- 
fying. Blasphemers, drunkards, sinners, and 
vicious persons of all kinds, changed their 
manner of life ; bitter enemies offered the 
hand of reconciliation, and peace reigned in 
place of domestic and public strife. But this 
happy time was destined to be of short dura- 
tion. Among the priests there were not a 



44 RENATA OF ESTE. 

few, as we know, who were much displeased 
with the reforms of the bishop. They made 
loud complaints against him and his colabor- 
ers, and bore their charges even to Paris. The 
Sorbonne made use of these complaints in or- 
der to cause the bishop to be suspected at 
court. 

Bri9onnet did not possess courage and reso- 
lution enough to steer firmly and immovably 
through the storm — which was arising on 
every hand — to the appointed haven. He had 
not aimed at a reorganization of the Church, 
in the spirit of the reformers ; but rather afe a 
moral improvement, in the spirit of contem- 
plative piety. He was a mystic of the better 
kind. When he saw that his reforms could 
and must be carried further than he had in- 
tended, and that disquiet and inconvenience 
would arise to himself from them, he forbade 
his former companions to preach, and sent 
them out of his diocese. Some repaired to 
foreign lands, and others found protection with 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 45 

Marguerite, the sister of the king. Only those 
dared remain and ascend the pulpit who had 
received permission afresh from the bishop. 

Briconnet was even weak enough to bring 
about a synod, in order to condemn the doc- 
trines of the so-called Lutherans. He begged 
for a commission to visit his diocese and pu- 
rify it from heresy. Lefevre's translation of 
the Bible was condemned to be burned. The 
bishop received pardon in consequence of his 
recantation and his new measures, while some 
of those, on the contrary, who, by his influ- 
ence, had conceived an affection for the Gos- 
pel, paid for their conviction by banishment or 
death. Lefevre was also accused of being a 
heretic, and he would have shared the fate of 
his associates if the king had not protected 
him. The king wrote a letter to the Sorbonne, 
in which he eulogized him, and commanded 
further proceedings against him to cease. 

King Francis had not won a firm religious 
stand-point. He was, as may be inferred from 



46 REN ATA OFESTE. 

what we have said, no blind, submissive ad- 
herent of Rome; on the contrary, he some- 
times appeared to favor the ecclesiastical in- 
novations. At last he believed he could make 
use of the teachings and principles of the Re- 
formers against the monks — whom he thor- 
oughly abominated — and against the hierarchy 
in general. He frequently brought the efforts 
of the persecutors to naught, and snatched 
from their hands those in danger. His 
mother, Louise of Savoy, appeared for a long 
time undetermined as to what course to take 
in regard to ecclesiastical progress. Margue- 
rite, however, could make the communication 
to the Bishop of Briconnet that, at the court, 
they were ever becoming more desirous for ec- 
clesiastical reform. In reality, neither mother 
nor son had any idea of offering assistance to 
the evangelical Christians. The king thought 
he would have need of the Pope in his war 
with the Emperor Charles V. He also per- 
ceived that most of the French people were 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 47 

resigned to the Papacy, and that it would be a 
hard battle for the Reformation to spread as 
in Germany. He feared the effect of dissen- 
sion among his vassals and subjects, and 
thought if he were to defend heresy many 
would use it as a pretext for disobedience and 
refractoriness. In France the principle should 
be, one kiitgy one faiths one law. 

If the king did not leave the so-called 
fanatics at liberty, we must thank his sister 
Marguerite, who was the cause of it. This 
excellent woman had, with the greatest firm- 
ness, espoused the principles of the Gospel. 
She was in close connection with Briconnet 
and his companions in faith, and had carried 
on with them a long correspondence. This 
correspondence shows us, in a remarkable 
manner, the shady side of the contemplative 
method of the bishop, and makes clear to us 
not only his conduct, but that of Marguerite, 
and, later, that of Renata. The mystical 
views of Briconnet, according to which the 



48 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

primary idea of Christianity is the spiritual 
communion with Christ and a quiet and con- 
templative life, are expressed in letters, some- 
times from twenty to sixty pages in length. 
The doctrines of the Church and external 
forms are but seldom mentioned. From this 
correspondence, however. Marguerite had at 
least this advantage, that she was more and 
more drawn to the reading of the Scriptures. 
She sometimes read them for several hours 
daily, and induced her brother to follow her 
example, for a time, at least. At her sugges- 
tion, Briconnet sent Michael d*Arande to the 
court, where he explained the Scriptures in 
presence of the king, which created no little 
surprise among the courtiers. 

In 1524, when the king went to the south 
of France, in order to protect Provence 
against the invasion of Charles V, he was 
accompanied by his mother and sister; and 
in the suite of the latter was the preacher, 
d'Arande, who allowed no opportunity to 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE, 49 

escape in referring his hearers to the one 
thing needful. 

Francis, in the following year, joined the 
army in Italy, where he was taken prisoner, 
in the unfortunate battle near Pavia. Charles 
caused him to be conducted to Spain, where 
he was taken severely ill. During his absence, 
the dowager-queen, Louise, held the reins of 
government, in which she was supported by 
her daughter. Marguerite found opportunities, 
in that position, of showing her amiability of 
disposition. She made it a principle that no 
one ought to leave a princess sorrowfully, 
and conducted herself according to this rule. 
Where she could not assist, she knew how, 
by her affability and condescension, to comfort 
and win the heart. Her brother had a great 
longing, in his seclusion, to see her. She pro- 
cured a safe convoy, and hastened, as quickly 
as she could, to Madrid, in order to comfort, 
and, if possible, to release him. While the 
emperor recognized the excellence of the 



50 RENATA OF ESTE, 

intercessor, and felt well disposed toward her, 
he relaxed none of his strong conditions. 
- In France, the enemies of the Gospel had 
taken advantage of the absence of the king 
and Marguerite to regain once more a firm 
position. They maintained that the defeat 
they had sustained was a manifestation of the 
anger of God against them, because they had 
not strenuously persecuted the heretics. Now 
the time had come to retrieve the error and 
fully make amends for the neglect. Moreover, 
it was thought that the Pope was more than 
ever necessary, in order to assist them to arise 
out of this need and embarrassment. As long 
as Marguerite was in Spain, there was not 
one at court who had rendered any assistance 
whatever to the persecuted ; and it was evi- 
dent, on her return, that her hands, on account 
of her position, were more than ever bound, 
so that she could not do what she otherwise 
would have done. 

Her husband had died, in consequence of 



THE REFORM A TION IN FRANCE. 5 i 

the defeat near Pavia, and negotiations were 
being made with Charles, in order to insure 
peace by an alliance between him and Mar- 
guerite ; but nothing resulted from it, although 
the emperor was personally favorable to it. 
Whoever came in contact with Marguerite 
could not remain cold toward her. On the 
24th of January, 1527, Marguerite married 
again. Her second husband was Henry d'Al- 
bret, King of Navarre. In this new position, 
she labored beneficently as patroness of sci- 
ence and protectress of her fellow-believers. 
It is maintained that she had to suffer many 
annoyances from her husband, because of her 
love of the Gospel ; but, if we recall what she 
actually did, and that boldly and openly, we 
can not do otherwise than suppose that it was 
done with Henry's consent. 

The country began perceptibly to bloom 
under her influence. Education and order 
were maintained every-where. Whoever was 
persecuted on account of his religious opin- 



52 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

ions, found safety and protection at the court 
of Nerac, for a shorter or longer time. The 
aged Lefevre, who was too far advanced in 
years to be able to win laurels in the battle- 
field of religious liberty, was, by the interces- 
sion of Marguerite, made librarian at Blois ; 
but, as he was there exposed to the hate of 
his opponents, his patroness drew him into 
her vicinity, and transferred to him the super- 
intendence of the library of Nerac. He died 
in peace, in the year 1534. He often re- 
proached himself for not having fought and 
suffered more for the Gospel. 

Marguerite appointed one of the fugitives 
from Meaux, the above-mentioned Gerard 
Roussel, as her court chaplain. She trans- 
ferred to him, with the consent of her brother, 
the abbacy of Clairac, and, later, made him 
Bishop of Oleron, in Beam. Roussel could 
not deny that he had belonged to the mystical 
school at Meaux. He therefore occupied an 
intermediate position between Catholicism and 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE, 53 

the Reformation. He expressed his religious 
principles in an explanation of the Apostolic 
Confession of F'aith. At the head of his doc- 
trines he placed that of justification by faith, 
and he considered the Scriptures as the only 
guide for our faith. Christ is the sole Head 
of the Church, and he assigned to the apos- 
tle Peter no place above the other apostles. 
The true Church is the invisible communion 
of saints. He expressed himself indefinitely 
concerning the Lord's-supper, in order not to 
be involved in further controversy about it. 
Marguerite shared these views, without 
doubt. Still she was of the opinion that 
mass should be celebrated with the hitherto 
customary ceremonies, but only as a congre- 
gational act of worship, never as private 
mass. The raising and worshiping of the 
host must then be discontinued. Ordinary 
bread should be used at communion, and the 
same should be broken. The chalice should 
be presented to all. Neither the Virgin Mary 



54 RENATA OF ESTE. 

nor the saints should be mentioned. It is 
scarcely possible to conceive how any one can 
entertain a doubt concerning the Protestant 
opinions of Marguerite, after such expressions. 
The Sorbonne declared the above-mentioned 
book of Roussel as highly pernicious and objec- 
tionable, and filled with abominable principles. 
Marguerite was also a stumbUng-stone and 
vexation for the Roman Catholic zealots. 
When she was in Paris, in the year 1533, 
and Roussel made known the Word of God 
in the chapel of the Louvre, a great tumult 
arose in the city. She was preached against 
on almost every side ; one monk did not hesi- 
tate to say that she ought to have been tied 
up in a sack long ago, and drowned. A play, 
full of revilings against her, was written and 
performed in the theater. The Sorbonne con- 
demned a much-read book of Marguerite's, 
called ^'The Mirror of a Sinful Soul," because 
the means of grace of the Catholic Church did 
not happen to be mentioned in it. 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 55 

King Francis was exceedingly indignant at 
this outbreak of fanaticism against his sister. 
The monk who had adjudged to her the pun- 
ishment of the sack, was condemned to the 
same punishment himself, and he was only 
pardoned at the urgent plea of Marguerite. 
The Sorbonne was obliged to revoke its judg- 
ment. On the side of the Protestants, the 
greatest confidence was placed in the influ- 
ence of this woman. The dean of the Stras- 
burg Cathedral, who was disposed to Prot- 
estantism, commenced a correspondence with 
her, and transmitted to her some of the writ- 
ings of Luther, translated into French. He 
hoped to be able, by her mediation, to give 
free scope to the reformatory doctrines in 
France. The answers of Marguerite prove 
that she was no|: averse to the undertaking. 

The Swiss Capito dedicated to her his 
''Exposition of the Prophet Isaiah." He says 
in his dedication that all eyes were hopefully 
directed to her ; and he hoped that she might 



56 RENATA OF ESTE, 

overcome the hinderances which rendered a 
knowledge of the truth difficult among women, 
and especially among princely women. Even 
the stern Calvin could not forbear observing in 
a letter to her, "I recognize the remarkable 
gifts which God has given you, worthy lady ; 
how he has made use of you for the advance- 
ment of his kingdom." The not less stern 
Theodore Beza expressed himself thus con- 
cerning her : " If she is equal to her brother 
in spirit and sagacity, she is in advance of 
him by her knowledge of eternal truth and 
her zeal for the Church of Christ.'* 

We will not and can not say that she was 
a decided Protestant, and that she had totally 
renounced the Catholic Church. On account 
of her mystical opinions, she placed little 
value on externals. She never relinquished 
the hope that by proper reforms within the 
Church the schism could be corrected. It 
was her influence chiefly which determined 
her brother to negotiate with the German 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE, 57 

Protestants, and especially with Melanchthon 
and Luther, as to how the separated Churches 
could again be united. Notwithstanding her 
repeated intercessions, many of the followers 
of the Gospel became martyrs. A nobleman 
by the name of Berquin escaped four times 
from prison and condemnation through her 
influence; but, on being indicted the fifth 
time, he ended his life on the scaffold. 

The condition of affairs in Paris, in the year 
1529, can not better be illustrated than by 
giving a description of a certain procession 
that took place at that time. All the relics 
of the city were collected together, as well 
as every thing at the service of the priests 
which was calculated to fascinate spectators. 
Bishops and common priests in great num- 
bers bore the sacred relics through the 
streets. The king and the highest officers 
of the State accompanied them with uncov- 
ered heads ; then followed a great multitude 
of believers. Six Lutherans were burned 



58 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

that day on a movable gallows, with fearful 
torture. The king then affirmed *'that he 
would pardon no one, not even his children 
and relatives, for the crime of heresy. If he 
knew that one of his limbs were affected with 
this spirit, he would hew it off with his own 
hand." Marguerite became constantly more 
and more alienated from her brother, the 
farther he proceeded in this course. Still 
she could never lose her earlier love for him, 
and he was not wrong when he thus an- 
swered the accusations that Marguerite had 
fallen away from the Romish Church : " She 
loves me too much for this ever to be possible." 
Marguerite sought to make her court at 
Nerac a place of true Christian virtue. 
Clothed simply, like an ordinary citizen^s 
wife, she showed her royal dignity only by 
her behavior. At her table the topics of con- 
versation were, for the most part, upon relig- 
ious and scientific questions, and foreigners 
who were admitted, were surprised at the 



THE RE FORM A TION IN FRANCE. 59 

erudition and condescension of the queen. 
From time to time she withdrew to the clois- 
ter of Yusson, which she had caused to be 
built at Angoumois, in order, surrounded by 
pious men, to abandon herself undisturbed to 
contemplative prayer. Notwithstanding her 
retired mode of life, she was no devotee, or 
enemy to pleasantry. She wrote small come- 
dies, and caused them to be performed by her 
maids of honor. Whenever she sewed or em- 
broidered, she had some one about her to read 
aloud, or else she dictated to an amanuensis 
her thoughts, sometimes in prose and some- 
times in poetry. She was never idle on 
a journey ; even in her sedan-chair she in- 
dited letters or wrote on a book that she was 
composing. 

The death of her husband, which took place 
in 1544, did not change her manner of life. 
She only cared more zealously for the welfare 
of her subjects, since now she could follow the 
impulses of her heart without any hinderance. 



6o REN ATA OF ESTE, 

In 1 547, when her brother was taken ill, she 
hastened immediately to him, and she had the 
great pleasure of seeing that her presence, in 
some measm*e, revived him again. Scarcely, 
however, had she returned home, when she 
received the news of his death, which took 
place on the 31st of March, 1547. Her sor- 
row was deep and unfeigned. She expressed 
her frame of mind in the verse : 

" Thou messenger of fear to man, 

Hast taken my brother dear away ; 

Come soon, and bear me unto death. 

And do not long thy steps delay." 

But before this wish was fulfilled she was 
obliged to experience many trials and sor- 
rows. The new king, Henry H, the son of 
her brother, transferred the management of 
the affairs of State to her bitterest enemies, 
and soon forgot how much he was indebted 
to the beloved sister of his father. He tried 
to take away from her the annuity of twenty- 
four thousand livres which her brother had 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. 6 1 

allowed her. On the 21st of November, 1549, 
death released this rare woman from further 
strife and annoyances. 

A French writer gives the following eulo- 
gium on her character: "Envy, which invaria- 
bly attacks princes, could not impute a single 
evil deed to Marguerite of Valois. In order 
to perceive a stain in her character, we must 
invent one. A stranger to the vices of her 
mother, the folly of her brother, and the per- 
versity of her times, beautiful and a .queen 
without arrogance, virtuous without prudery, 
learned without pedantry, gentle and good 
without being weak, chaste in the midst of a 
depraved court, superior and true to both her 
husbands, she is, without contradiction, the 
most amiable princess and wife which the 
royal family of France has produced." An- 
other writer says, "I fear I should never end 
if I were to enumerate all those whom she 
saved from the punishment of death and upon 
whom she lavished benefits." 



62 RENATA OF ESTE, 

Her enemies have sought to render her 
character suspected, on the ground of her lit- 
erary activity. We will, therefore, cast a glance 
at her most important works. We have al- 
ready directed attention to her " Mirror of a 
Sinful Soul — Miroir de Tame Pecheresse" — 
which appeared in the year 1533. It is main- 
tained by some that this book contains con- 
fessions of her own life-experiences. But how 
can we suppose that Marguerite would lay her 
sins before the world "i Would she not, in con- 
formity with her whole character, have been 
satisfied with confession before God } The en- 
tire keeping of the book shows that it repre- 
sents the universal sinfulness of man, and re- 
fers to the comfort which, on account of the 
consciousness of our sins, may be found by 
faith in Christ. The spiritual poems, which 
some one published in the year 1547, under 
the title of "Pearls of the Pearl of Princesses," 
show an earnest moral character. We per- 
ceive from it that she aimed more at edifi- 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE, 63 

cation than at entertainment. The little com- 
edies, also, which Marguerite wrote, had, for 
the most part, a religious tendency. Her ro- 
mances, which appeared first after her death, 
in the year 1558, under the title of "Histories 
of Fortunate Suitors,'' and which, in the fol- 
lowing year, were dedicated to her daugh- 
ter, Joan d'Atbret, under the altered title of 
'' Heptameron of Novels," afford the strongest 
grounds for suspicion. 

These stories treat throughout of such love 
adventures as hardly any religiously educated 
woman of the present day would communicate. 
But we must judge of every work by the 
standard of the times to which it belongs. 
Besides, we must not overlook the fact that, 
by an admonition annexed to each story, Mar- 
guerite seeks to keep the reader free from vice. 
From the examples of human weakness she 
derives the doctrine that man must not aban- 
don himself to his own strength ; but that, in 
all cases, he should invoke the assistance of 



64 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

God, since our strength rests in him. Mar- 
guerite may have committed a fault in these 
stories ; she may, through the desire to appear 
witty, and to win literary fame, have been mis- 
led into writing these romances. Whatever 
may have been her intention, it is not neces- 
sary for us to express doubt, as some writers 
do, on account of them. Her memory still 
remains as that of one who was righteous, and 
therefore blessed. 

We believe we have given the best answer, 
by what has now been written, to two ques- 
tions with regard to Renata, which have hith- 
erto been much discussed, and, according to 
the stand-point of the writer, with various re- 
sults. They are these: By what means was 
Renata drawn to the side of evangelical 
Christians ? and. What was her religious po- 
sition when she came to Italy 1 

Renata could not have remained vmtouched 
by the religious movements which took place 
around her, especially when her second, or, if 



THE REFORM A TION IN FRANCE, 65 

we can say, her third, mother played so influ- 
ential a part in this movement. She was 
bound to her mother by the most intimate 
ties of friendship and love ; and did she not 
owe to her many of those suggestions and in- 
structions on topics which occupied the best 
minds of her time ? The remembrance of her 
father and his war with the Pope was not cal- 
culated to fascinate her with Catholicism in 
the form it had hitherto borne ; neither could 
we expect that Renata would so soon show 
herself a decided Protestant. The relations 
in which she now lived were permeated with 
another spirit. It depended upon her further 
relations in life whether the religious ideas 
which she had chosen should be maintained. 
She still stood undecided between Rome and 
the Protestant Churcb. She had imbibed 
Protestant principles, but she believed, with 
many of her contemporaries, that she still 
could consider, and prove herself to be, a 
member of the Catholic Church. 

5 



III. 




LITERARY AND RELIGIOUS LIFE IN ITALY. 

HEN Renata arrived in Italy, the 
arts and sciences were in a state of 
great prosperity. A knowledge of 
the Greek and Latin languages was almost uni- 
versally diffused among the educated classes, 
and many scholars had won great fame by their 
thorough acquaintance of these tongues. The 
many small princely courts which existed on 
the Apennine peninsula, had a tendency to 
promote scientific rivalry. They strove to sur- 
pass each other in their patronage of artists 
and scholars. Many rulers were obliged to 
oppress their subjects, in order to enable them- 
selves to carry out this purpose. It is well 

66 



NE W LIFE LIFE IN ITAL V, 67 

known what the Medici family, of Florence, 
accomplished by their love for art ; in Mantua, 
the Gonzaga family showed a similar zeal ; and 
the Este family, of Ferrara, into which Renata 
was received as of equal rank, did not remain 
behind its contemporaries. It belonged to one 
of the oldest families in Italy, although the 
tracing of the family back to the time of the 
Roman kings appears quite an effort of the 
imagination. Its possessions — Ferrara, Reg- 
gio, and Modena — were not of great extent, 
nor particularly lucrative ; still they could 
compare favorably with most princely Italian 
houses. If the Medici family patronized paint- 
ing more especially, the Duke of Ferrara 
proved himself the protector of poetry and 
science. 

Hercules I, of Este, an old contemporary of 
the Emperor Maximilian I, translated into 
Italian one of the comedies of the old Roman 
poet Plautus, and suggested the translation of 
other comedies and tragedies from the Greek 



68 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

and Latin ; he also caused many to be per- 
formed with all the magnificence of the an- 
cient theaters. In the courts of Alphonso I 
and Hercules I, lived Ariosto, the poet of 
"Orlando Furioso." His house is still shown, 
near the library of Ferrara ; it bears the in- 
scription, written by the poet himself, " Small, 
but suited to me, and clean." 

The father of the renowned Torquato Tasso, 
Bernardo Tasso, lived also for a long time at 
Ferrara. We can venture to say that scarcely 
a man of science had lived in Italy who had 
not received support, or at least proofs of es- 
teem, from the family of Este. The Univer- 
sity of Ferrara took a very prominent place 
among the universities of Italy, and it knew 
how to maintain itself as such amid the 
conflicts of the time. Not only did young 
men of Italy study there, but students came 
from almost every country of Europe, espe- 
cially from England. 

Hercules II, the husband of Renata, was 



NE IV LIFE IN ITAL K 69 

true to the scientific spirit of his ancestors. 
He could express himself with great felicity 
in prose and verse, and delighted to converse 
with learned men. He made a new collection 
of coins, at a great expense, and with it 
founded the celebrated Este Museum of Fer- 
rara. He exhibited his taste for art by build- 
ing several palaces in the city, and several 
villas on the banks of the Po. Unfortunately, 
there were but few agreeable traits in his 
character or morals. He allowed himself to 
be governed less by moral principles than 
by temporary circumstances, or caprice and 
passion. 

His brother, Cardinal Hippolyte of Este, was 
not less known as a friend and promoter of 
science. He was Bishop of Ferrara, and Arch- 
bishop of Milan and of Auch in France; he 
was at the same time in possession of rich 
revenues, which he expended freely in the 
manner already intimated. He spent the most 
of his time at the beautiful villa of Belriguardo 



70 RENA TA OF ESTE, 

and in the renowned gardens of TivoH, in the 
embellishment of which he found pleasure and 
entertainment. 

A historian of the house of Este, Muratori, 
says of him: "The table of the prince knew 
no more pleasant concert than the voice of a 
scholar, which was heard amid the silence of 
the guests. Intellectual conversation with the 
most excellent men formed the seasoning of 
the banquet. The prince, according to the 
judgment of all, deserves to be named the 
Father of Science." 

Lollio, a Professor in the University of Fer- 
rara, called the youths happy who studied in 
.that institution, because it enjoyed the labors 
of the most learned and eloquent men, be- 
cause it possessed great treasures in the Greek 
and Latin languages, and because so many 
strangers came to the town seeking improve- 
ment in science. On the other hand, the 
house of Este gave but little encouragement 
to improvements in accordance with the jorac- 



NE W LIFE IN ITAL K 71 

tical spirit of the times. The dukes imme- 
diately preceding had, it is true, several con- 
flicts with the Pope, whose liegemen they 
were; and so it had been expected that they 
would join the movements which were directed 
against him. 

But they knew better how to judge, under 
these circumstances. It could not be expected 
that these efforts would be crowned with suc- 
cess in Italy, especially when a powerful for- 
eign prince stood on the side of the Pope, and 
granted him his support. No continuous co- 
operation of the Italian people in conflict with 
the hierarchy and its perversions was to be 
expected. A proper regard for self-preserva- 
tion, therefore, caused the small princes to 
strive to keep up a good understanding with 
the Pope. The father-in-law and the husband 
of Renata also found it to their interest to 
preserve this connection. Still they were as 
little able to hinder the entrance of Protestant 
ideas as the Pope himself. The doctrines of 



72 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

the Reformation were promulgated in Ferrara 
as early as the year 1528, and in 1530 the 
inquisitor of the city complained that there 
were Lutherans among both clergy and laity. 
They could have said the same of the whole 
of Italy. 

How, then, would it have been possible to 
suppress the yearnings and endeavors of a 
people for relief from the ecclesiastical griev- 
ances, who had more opportunities than others 
to observe them? The See of the Supreme 
Bishop in Christendom was not by any means, 
as it should have been, the scene of all Chris- 
tian virtues. One might, with much more 
truth, have maintained that moral depravity 
was there at home ; and it is a remarkable 
circumstance that, just toward the end of the 
fifteenth century and beginning of the six- 
teenth, the worst Popes that history is ac- 
quainted with had won the triple crov/n. 
Along with the deepest superstition, the most 
insolent unbelief had taken root. Even Pope 



NEW LIFE IN ITALY. 73 

Leo X, who reigned from 15 15 to 1521, and 
to whom belongs a renowned place in the 
history of art and science, as well as in the 
history of Christian belief and life, more than 
once made use of the expression, that the "fa- 
ble of Christ had brought him much money." 
The most learned cardinal of his century, 
Bembo, thought that he had never employed 
his time more disadvantageously than when he 
spent it in reading the Bible. Other learned 
Italians — as, for instance, Plethon, the Floren- 
tine — prophesied that the happy time would 
soon come when the Bible and the Koran 
w^ould be looked upon as teaching religions 
similar to heathenism. 

Truly, Christian minds must be most pain- 
fully moved by such expressions of unbelief; 
and still we shall find them explicable when 
we consider how little pleasing fruit Christian- 
ity bore at that time. Immorality had become 
much more general among all classes in Italy 
than in any other Christian country. The 



74 RENATA OF ESm, 

episcopal courts imitated the Papal, and the 
common parish priests found in their superiors 
excuses for their own bad stewardship, and, 
indeed, all manner of iniquities. There were, 
however, better disposed men, who deplored 
the deep decline of morality and true religion. 
The preaching of the Florentine, Hieronymus 
Savonarola (died 1498), who, with unwearied 
zeal, had labored for a better state of morality, 
and with the greatest earnestness had proph- 
esied that the righteous God would very soon 
bring a scourge upon Italy, and thereby bring 
about a change in the Church, was not wholly 
forgotten. At the time of Leo X, between 
fifty and eighty pious and learned men formed 
themselves into a society, called the Orato- 
rium of Divine Love, who made a solemn 
promise among themselves to work with united 
strength against the corruption of the Church. 
Since the year 1471, an Italian translation 
of the Bible had been circulated; and this 
passed through nine editions in twelve years. 



JVEW LIFE IN ITALY, 75 

It is not surprising that Luther found many 
friends and admirers among the Italians, and 
that many copies of his writings wandered 
over the snowy summits of the Alps. In the 
year 1519, the book-seller, Calvi of Pavia, 
sought to distribute the New Testament of 
Erasmus and several of the smaller writings 
of Luther, not only in his own vicinity, but 
also in other Italian cities. He was success- 
ful in selling the greater part of an edition of 
the smaller treatises of the German Reformer. 
The most of them were disposed of and read 
at Venice. The Papal Bull against Luther 
was read in this city only after every one had 
left the Church. 

In the year 1500, a monk from the neighbor- 
hood of Lake Maggiore wrote to the Protest- 
ant Churches of Germany: *' Ye believers and 
beloved in Jesus Christ ! Remember poor Laz- 
arus ; remember, also, the Canaanite woman, 
who hungers for the crumbs that fall from 
her Master's table. A languishing wanderer 



^6 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

thirsts for living water. Sitting in the shadow 
of death, and bathed in tears, we pray you, 
who know the mysteries, to send us the writ- 
ings of your excellent teachers, Zwingli, Lu- 
ther, Melanchthon, CEcolampadius. Noble 
princes, pillars of the renewed Church ! hasten 
to deliver a Lombardic city ! We are only 
three brothers, united in the contest for truth ; 
but the strokes of a small number of men 
chosen by God, and not the swords of the 
thousands of Gideon, defeated Midian. Who 
knows but God, out of this little spark, may 
kindle a great flame ?" 

The works of the Reformers made their 
way to Rome, and even into the Papal palace, 
although under fictitious names. The first 
connected exhibition of the Protestant system, 
which Melanchthon published under the title 
of " Loci Theologicae," was printed as the work 
of Ippofilo de Terra Nigra, an Italian transla- 
tion of the author's German name, and publicly 
sold in Rome for a year, and was read with 



NE W LIFE IN ITAL K "J^ 

great approval. When the ruse was at length 
discovered, the remaining copies were burned. 
Luther's Preface to the Epistle to the Romans 
and his treatise on the Doctrine of Justification 
were praised even by the cardinals and bish- 
ops as the writings of Cardinal Fregoso. 
Zwingli's writings were circulated under the 
name of Corigio Logelio. Calvin's " Insti- 
tutes of the Christian Religion'' were distrib- 
uted without acknowledgment of the author or 
the place of printing. 

It was all the more difficult to prevent the 
ingress of Protestant works into Italy, as the 
communication between Germany and Italy, 
at that time, was very frequent. Young Ger- 
mans studied at the Italian universities, par- 
ticularly at that of Bologna, which was then 
greatly celebrated. Young Italians, on the 
other hand, were attracted by the fame of Ger- 
man scholars, especially of Melanchthon, and 
they, therefore, found their way to Wittenberg 
and other towns of the Father-land, in order 



78 RENATA OF ESTE, 

to seek advantages which they could not find 
in their own country. 

The circumstance that the German Empe- 
ror, Charles V, ruled over a part of Italy, and 
that he had to sustain many conflicts there, 
was of especial 'importance. His commander- 
in-chief, Charles de Bourbon, without any fear 
of ecclesiastical censure, marched, in the year 
1527, against Rome, and, after conquering the 
city, held the Pope a prisoner in the castle 
of St. Angelo. 

On this occasion the Catholic Spaniards did 
not prove any better than the German Luther- 
ans and the Reformed Swiss. They made no 
scruples in mocking the opponent of the em- 
peror. A person disguised as the Pope w^as 
led about the streets of Rome, while others 
disguised as bishops followed him. Speeches 
were made in the procession, in which the 
unjust wars which had been occasioned by 
the Pope were hinted at. The Emperor 
Charles was chosen by God to revenge these 



NEW LIFE IN ITALY. 79 

acts of violence. At length the soldiers cried, 
** Long live Pope Luther !'' 

We hear many complaints from zealous 
Catholics that the Protestant spirit was contin- 
ually gaining ground. In 1530, Pope Clement 
VII complained that, in several countries, 
Luther's heresy was making rapid way, not 
only among the laity, but also among the 
priesthood and monks. Cardinal Caraffa, who 
afterward became Pope Paul IV, says, in a re- 
port, " that the whole of Italy is tainted with 
the Lutheran heresy, and that not only States, 
but many ecclesiastics, have gone over to it.'* 
We know that expressions of this kind were 
well founded when we compare them with 
those made by the friends of the Gospel them- 
selves. The German Reformers won great 
applause and support on every side. Epithets 
such as *' Great Luther!" are no rarity. In 
several of the Italian towns Protestant com- 
munities were formed, that of Venice being 
the most thriving. In this great and wealthy 



80 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

city the sense of freedom and independence 
had been maintained with the consciousness 
of right, and the chief magistrate had often 
shown the Pope that he was not willing to 
submit unconditionally to his domination. Ven- 
ice had formerly made a determined resistance 
against the introduction of the Inquisition, 
and only allowed the publication of the Papal 
indulgence, after a mature examination of 
them. 

A letter which an eminent Venetian, Lucio 
Paolo Rosselli, sent to Melanchthon, fully tes- 
tifies to the spirit which asserted itself in 
Venice. It had been reported in Italy that 
this fellow-champion with Luther, for peace's 
sake, was on the point of yielding too much 
to Catholicism, at the Imperial Diet at Augs- 
burg. Rosselli, therefore, wrote to him : " O, 
Melanchthon ! Let neither threats nor appre- 
hensions cause you to forsake the banner of 
Jesus Christ. If you must suffer death in 
order to defend the honor of Christ, do not 



NEW LIFE IN ITALY, 8l 

delay. O, it were better to die honorably than 
to live and be covered with shame !" 

A great number of Italians, of every age 
and position, from all parts of the Peninsula, 
were of the same opinion. In Piedmont, the 
ground was already prepared for the diffusion 
of Protestant principles, because of the near- 
ness of the Waldenses. Collio Curione Se- 
cundo made his name famous in the history of 
the Reformation in Italy. He was born in the 
year 1503, near Turin. Besides the study of 
classical literature, he occupied himself with 
the reading of the Scriptures ; and the conse- 
quence of this employment was soon apparent, 
as he refused to join in the condemnatory 
judgments of those surrounding him concern- 
ing the writings of the Reformers. He wished, 
therefore, to see and read and examine for 
himself several treatises of Luther, the doc- 
trinal system of Melanchthon, and the letter 
of Zwingli relating to true and false religion. 

'' When I was still a young man," he wrote, 
6 



82 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

later, to Melanchthon, ''after having read sev- 
eral of your writings, I was seized with such 
a love for you that it seemed impossible that 
it could increase." His longing drove him to 
Germany, in order to purify his religious views 
by communication with her godly men. On 
his way he divulged his opinions in an impru- 
dent manner, and was seized in the Valley of 
Aosta, and thrown into prison. The bishop 
recognized the distinguished talents of the 
young man, and determined, if possible, to 
bring him back into the bosom of the Catholic 
Church. Curione, therefore, was placed in a 
convent for instruction and conversion. But 
all in vain. The young man, in his zeal 
against the Catholic superstitions, went so far 
as to withdraw clandestinely from a chest of 
relics its highly-treasured contents, and put in 
their place a copy of the Scriptures, with the 
inscription, '* This is the true Ark of the Cov- 
enant, wherein can be found the genuine or- 
acles of God." 



NE W LIFE IN ITAL F. 83 

We may imagine the horror and anger of 
the monks when they discovered the sacrilege. 
Suspicion immediately fell upon the right man, 
and Curione was obliged to withdraw as 
quickly as possible, in order to escape severe 
punishment. He found a place of refuge for 
a long time in Milan, where he devoted him- 
self to the instruction of youth. He also ap- 
plied himself, at a great self-sacrifice, to the 
care of the sick and the poor. He distin- 
guished himself particularly for his active 
Christian love while a pestilence was raging 
in the country, so that many hearts were full 
of affection and gratitude toward him. After 
a time, his love of the home of his childhood 
and youth reawakened so powerfully in him, 
that, laying aside every other consideration, 
he returned at once to Piedmont, where he 
remained for some time in quiet and peace. 
Still he could not remain silent when it was 
necessary to refute false accusations against 
the Reformers. Being present, on one occa- 



84 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

sion, when a Dominican monk misrepresented 
the doctrines of Luther, in order to be able 
the better to revile them, he seized the oppor- 
tunity to show how unfounded the utterances 
were. Once more he was thrown into prison, 
and the bishop himself traveled to Rome in 
order to bring about his sentence of death. 
But before the bishop returned, Curione had 
succeeded in getting out of prison. 

He now taught for some time as professor 
at Pavia, where, by the privileges of the Uni- 
versity and the assistance of faithful friends — 
the students having formed a vokmtary watch 
to protect him — he was secured against the 
persecutions of Romish fanaticism. The Pope 
then threatened the University Senate with 
excommunication, while other complications 
were to be feared, Curione now took shelter 
under the protection of our Renata, at whose 
court he found a great number of kindred 
spirits. 

By his side stood Bernardino Ochino (born 



NEW LIFE IN ITAL Y. 8$ 

in Sienna, in 1483), for a long time the most 
renowned preacher of Italy. He assures us 
that he had felt from his youth a deep longing 
after paradise ; but it was only at a later pe- 
riod that he recognized the right way thither. 
He thought by fasting, castigations, and the 
like, to succeed, and therefore entered the 
strictest order of Franciscans. This course 
he did not find satisfactory ; for it went with 
him as once with Luther, he found not what 
he sought. When some of the members of 
the order formed a still stronger sect, under 
the name of Capuchins, Ochino joined them, 
in order to make sure his entrance into heaven 
by thorough mortification of the flesh. 

After many struggles, a new light at length 
broke in upon him. From this time forth he 
studied the Holy Scriptures unceasingly, and 
was convinced that Christ, by his death, had 
done enough for our sins, and that the Romish 
Church did not teach in accordance with the 
Scriptures, and that it was, therefore, an out- 



86 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

cast from God. His preaching became more 
and more zealous, and continually found more 
hearty approval. It was listened to and won- 
dered at by the learned and ignorant, by high 
and low. The Emperor Charles V said, re- 
specting Ochino, "This man would move 
stones to tears." He made all the greater im- 
pression because his life corresponded with 
his preaching. At the most sumptuous meals 
he drank no wine ; he ate of one kind of food, 
and that the most simple. If he were con- 
ducted into a richly adorned chamber, and 
adrnonished to rest from the fatigue of his 
journey on a soft bed, he always smiled, and 
stretched his mantle out on the floor, and 
there laid himself on it. 

The churches in which he preached were 
not large enough to contain the multitudes 
who gathered together to hear him. Pope 
Paul III made him his confessor, and, in 
1538, the chapter of the order of Capuchins 
at Florence chose him as chief of the order. 



NE W LIFE IN ITAL Y. ^J 

He was still permitted to preach, with great 
success, in dififerent cities and parts of Italy; 
but his Protestant views constantly exhibited 
themselves stronger and stronger, and when 
the powerful opposition to the Reformation 
commenced in Italy, it was time for Ochino 
to leave his native land. Previously, however, 
he repaired to Ferrara, where all those who 
were oppressed took refuge. Renata provided 
him with letters of recommendation, and, in 
1542, he wandered over the Alps to Zurich 
and Geneva, where he was received in a 
friendly manner. 

What Ochino attained by his popular 
preaching, Peter Martyr Vermigli, born at 
Florence, in the year 1500, effected by his 
Biblical lectures. This man had, from his 
earliest youth, received a thorough education, 
and had been instructed in Latin by his 
mother. He inherited, also, from his mother 
that piety which distinguished him above all 
his contemporaries. His father appears to 



88 RENATA OF ESTE. 

have been no special friend to the Church in 
its existing state. At least, he was decidedly 
against his son entering a cloister; and, since 
the latter would not be withheld, he disinher- 
ited him, lest his property should fall into the 
hands of the monks. Peter found himself 
deceived in his expectations. His scientific 
efforts found no satisfaction in the narrow 
sphere of the cloister. At his wish, he re- 
ceived permission to continue his studies at 
Padua and other universities. He was beloved 
and esteemed by every one on account of his 
modest and blameless behavior, and his scien- 
tific investigations were of such a nature as 
to win the pride of his order. He was sent, 
in 1529, as a preacher, to Rome, Bologna, 
Pisa, and other cities. His fame increased 
daily, and the way to the highest spiritual 
dignities appeared to be open to him. 

In his thirtieth year, he was elected Abbot 
of Spoleto, and, shortly afterward, provost of 
a college at Naples. Later, he was appointed 



NEW LIFE IN ITALY, 89 

inquisitor-general of the Augustine monks in 
Italy. In every thing he proceeded with im- 
movable justice, but at the same time with 
inexorable strictness. By continued study of 
the Holy Scriptures and the writings of 
the Reformers, his views became constantly 
clearer; and he did not conceal the change 
which was going on in his mind. His danger 
was all the greater, because, by his strictness, 
he had made many enemies among the monks 
of his order. He was imprisoned ; but not 
long after, through the influence of some of 
the nobility, he was again set at liberty. Still 
he felt the necessity, like so many others who 
held similar views, of seeking another home. 
Fortunately he reached Zurich, where he soon 
received an invitation to Strasburg as profes- 
sor. He labored there, and, later, in England, 
with great success. 

Antonio Paleario, the author of the far- 
famed work, ''Of the Benefit of Christ," is 
almost still better known, at least in our day, 



90 RENATA OF ESTE. 

than Peter Martyr. This little work, which 
explains the doctrine of justification by faith, 
was, during the author's life-time, sold to the 
extent of forty thousand copies in Venice 
alpne. The Jesuits and their companions, 
however, succeeded so well in doing away 
with this little work, that for several centuries 
it was considered lost ; and not until lately 
was it found again, in an English library. 
Paleario was an esteemed Professor of Latin 
and Greek, at Sienna University. The zeal- 
ous adherents of the Pope soon recognized in 
his teachings the prohibited views of the Ger- 
man Reformers; and, in order to be certain 
on this subject, he was obliged to undergo an 
examination. The question was put to him, 
''What is the first means which God gave to 
man, by which to attain salvation T' Paleario 
answered, "Christ;" and when asked concern- 
ing the second and third means, he gave the 
same answer. From this moment on, he ex- 
pected the very worst treatment ; for there 



NEW LIFE IN ITAL V. 9 1 

was ground of accusation against him. He 
escaped martyrdom, however, for several years. 
He received a position at Lucca, where the 
Inquisition had not yet gained firm ground ; 
but, after remaining there a short time, he 
perceived the necessity of leaving. He went 
to Milan, but found no safety there ; and, on 
his way to Bologna, he was seized by the 
emissaries of the Jesuits and conveyed to 
Rome. In the year 1540, after three years' 
imprisonment, he was condemned to the gal- 
lows and the stake. 

At the ducal court of Ferrara, there lived, 
as surgeon, Pietro Angelo Marzelli, who, un- 
der the name of Marzellus Palingenius, pub- 
lished a poem, in which he boldly castigated 
the depravity of the times, both among the 
clergy and laity, and expressed pretty clearly 
his pleasure at the doctrines of the Reforma- 
tion and their propagation. The book was 
interdicted ; and, at a later period, the corpse 
of the author was delivered to the funeral pile. 



92 RENATA OF ESTE. 

Women, also, especially such as had attained 
the highest culture of their century, and had 
made themselves acquainted with classical lit- 
erature and philosophy, placed themselves, and 
in some cases v^ith masculine firmness, on the 
side of Protestant Christians. We v^ill men- 
tion the Duchess Vittoria Colonna, of Naples, 
who, celebrated as a poetess, lived, after the 
death of her husband, in retirement from the 
world, and gave herself up to study and relig- 
ious contemplation. We must not forget Julia 
Gonzaga, also of Naples, the most beautiful 
Italian woman of her time, who gave protec- 
tion and support to many of the disseminators 
of the Gospel, and for that reason was enu- 
merated among the ** women suspected of a 
godless heresy;" nor Isabella Manrecha, of 
Bresegna, who, pressed by her relatives either 
to renounce her faith or forsake her country, 
chose voluntarily the latter, and first in Ger- 
many, then in Zurich, then in Chiavenna, in 
the canton of the Grisons, seemed to forget 



NEW LIFE IN ITALY, 93 

her earlier splendor, and lived in poverty and 
retirement. 

Of two other women to whom place of 
honor belongs in the history of the Reforma- 
tion in Italy — the Princess Lavinia de Rovera 
and Olympia Morata, the most learned females 
of Italy — we shall hear more when we con- 
sider intellectual life in Ferrara. 

If we place our ej^es upon such persons as 
those mentioned, if we consider how many 
thousands in all Italy agreed with them, and 
what stirring life there was in the Protestant 
communities, we would come to the conclu- 
sion that but little was required to give the 
Gospel the victory; but it was not to be so. 

Among those inclined to the Gospel, there 
were some who did not wish to come to 
an open rupture with the Romish Church. 
They wished to improve its doctrines, and 
especially to procure the admission of the 
Protestant doctrine of justification by faith. 
They wished to do away with the crying 



94 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

abuses in the regulations of the Church, as 
well as the ignorance and immorality of the 
clergy ; but they wished to preserve the Cath- 
olic hierarchy, the Catholic worship, and other 
institutions. They did not wish to be con- 
vinced that in this manner no benefit could 
be derived. There were some of the most 
celebrated dignitaries of the Church who 
shared this opinion ; for instance, the Vene- 
tian Contarini, and the learned Marco Anto- 
nio Flaminio. 

In general, Italy was not a favorable 
ground for the success of Protestant princi- 
ples. The people lived in total ignorance, 
not to say in thoughtless stupidity. CathoHc 
worship, with its ceremonies, so flattering to 
sensuality, pleased them more than plain and 
sober evangelical Christianity. The legends 
and miracles of the saints, which are always 
so captivating to the Catholic people, quite 
satisfied them. The moral earnestness which 
animated the Reformers to make their bold 



NE W LIFE IN ITAL K 95 

endeavors, was not to be found among the 
Italians ; and the affairs of the Pope were 
still considered a national concern, so that 
the Italians looked upon any attack made on 
his power and dignity as directed against 
themselves. It might, therefore, be foreseen 
with certainty that, if the reaction should 
anywhere ever gain the victory, this would 
be the case in Italy. Calculating prudence, 
therefore, required at least a want of sympa- 
thy with religious conflicts. Whoever, on the 
contrary, mixed himself with the combatants, 
and particularly with those who bore the ban- 
ner of the Gospel to the field against the 
Chair of St. Peter, undertook an enterprise 
which brought him into great danger. The 
Protestant confession demands courage and 
self-denial. 




IV. 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 




ERRARA was a place in which 
Renata, by the peculiarities of her 
nature, could not feel otherwise than 
at home and happy. She was permitted to 
live agreeably to her inclination, and to satisfy 
her thirst for knowledge. With the large rev- 
enues which she drew from France she was 
enabled to perform many beneficent acts, for 
doing which her new position gave her abun- 
dance of opportunities. 

We will not conceal the fact that, under the 
sway of the family of Este, neither the better 
classes nor peasants rejoiced in any particular 

prosperity. The dukes carried on, as was the 
96 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 97 

custom of people of their rank, an altogether 
too expensive court life, and did not calculate, 
in supporting artists and scholars, whether 
their revenues were sufficient for the purpose. 
They were, therefore, necessitated to burden 
their people with oppressive taxes. They also 
neglected, which was the most unpleasant of 
all, to make regulations which were necessary, 
or at least desirable, for the welfare of the 
country ; and if Ferrara and the neighboring 
country had to contend with financial difficul- 
ties for centuries, it is to be attributed to the 
extravagance of their dukes. 

It may be easily imagined that one sympa- 
thetic heart, at least, was frequently and 
severely taxed. Renata did not belong to 
that class of individuals who possess worldly 
goods and close their heart and hand against 
a needy fellow-being. One of her biographers 
says of her: *'If this princess was intelligent, 
witty, and virtuous, she was at the same time 
distinguished for the benevolence which she 

7 



98 RENA TA OF ESTE, 

extended to her new subjects. Every one that 
I have seen in Ferrara is rejoiced at her, and 
say all the good in the world of her, for all 
have shared her love, and the French espe- 
cially have been the recipients of it. She 
had the goodness never to forget her native 
country, although she was far distant from 
it.*' She granted bountiful assistance to every 
Frenchman who traveled through Ferrara and 
appealed to her for help in time of need ; 
she at least gave the traveler sufficient money 
to enable him to continue his journey home. 
When one was too sick to travel she had him 
carefully nursed until he was well again. If 
the manager of her house remonstrated con- 
cerning her great expenditure, she answered : 
" What would you have me do } They are 
poor French, my own people, who would all 
be my subjects if the Salic law did not keep 
me from the throne with too great strictness.'* 
It is said that she extended a helping 
hand to many thousands of her countrymen, 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 99 

in one way or another. Still no one could 
reproach her with neglecting her new sub- 
jects. Whoever needed help she regarded as 
her "neighbor." Her domestic life, during 
the first years of her marriage at least, was 
very happy. Her husband was a remarkably 
handsome man, and he knew how, by his 
noble bearing, to win the hearts of those with 
whom he came in contact. Still he was not 
adapted to quiet domestic life, and the bounds 
of matrimony were far too narrow for his 
restless spirit. He was also betrayed by his 
ambition into adventures which caused him 
and his relatives many troubles and vexations. 
Nevertheless, he did not fail in expressions 
of tender love for Renata ; he wished by 
them to compensate, in a measure, for the 
cares with which he burdened her tender heart. 
He placed no impediment in the way of her 
following the best promptings of her nature. 
She was permitted to retain the people of 
her country who had accompanied her to 



100 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

Italy, and who had, in part, been her friends 
and teachers in youth. The chief ones of the 
number were her former governess, Madame 
de Soubise ; this lady's son, Jaques de Parthe- 
nay, who was, at a later period, one of the 
first Protestant champions in the French re- 
ligious war; and Anton cfe Pons, her son-in- 
law. The wife of Anton de Pons deserves 
especial attention. The learned Lilio Gi- 
raldi says of her, in the dedication of one of 
his Dialogues : '' She was not only well versed 
in Latin, but also so well in Greek that she 
was able to read the most difficult authors. 
She was more learned in this department 
than we can imagine. What shall we say of 
her poetical talents, and of her wonderful 
gifts in music, which astonished every one ? 
Yet these were merely trifles, only gifts for 
pleasure. Her most wonderful endowment 
was her clear knowledge of the Scriptures, 
which was so great that professional theo- 
logians desired to learn of her." 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. \ o I 

The poet Clement Marot, who had at that 
time already acquired a reputation by his 
translation of the Psalms, and who, because 
of his Protestant proclivities, had been obliged 
to flee from France, also found a friendly re- 
ception at Ferrara. He became secretary of 
the duchess. 

An admirable young Frenchwoman, Anna 
de Beauregard, died in Italy, and Renata had 
the following inscription placed on her tomb- 
stone : " Here rests Anna de Beauregard, who, 
in joyous childhood, left parents, father-land, 
friends, and France, and promised to follow 
here the Duchess Renata, to whom she dedi- 
cated her whole life, and for whom she sacri- 
ficed companions, beauty, and blooming youth, 
until she went to seek in heaven the better 
inheritance, and left the world with less re- 
gret than she had once left France, with her 
pilgrim staff in hand." 

Renata sought comfort among these her 
countrymen and women, when sadness and 



102 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

grief overwhelmed her tender heart. She 
communicated to them all the news from 
France, whether joyful or sorrowful, and par- 
ticularly that concerning the fate of the Prot- 
estant Christians, to whom she never ceased 
to devote much attention and sympathy. She 
found abundant compensation for the many 
sorrows which oppressed her heart in the joy 
she had in her five children, who were richly 
endowed in both body and mind. They were 
as follows : Anna, born on the i6th of No- 
vember, 1531 ; Alphonso, born on the 22d of 
November, 1533; Lucretia, born on the i6th 
of November, 1535 ; Leonore, born on the 
17th of June, 1537; and Luigi, or Louis, born 

in 1539. 

The mother expended the greatest possible 
care and attention on the training of these 
children ; she spared neither trouble nor ex- 
pense in order to give them such a degree 
of culture as, according to her view, was 
befitting the scions of a noble, princely house. 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERKARA. 1 03 

The most celebrated teachers that could be 
procured were employed, in order to impart 
the necessary instruction. Among the num- 
ber were Celio Calcagnini, Lilio Giraldi, Bar- 
tolomeo Riccio, Marcelli Palingenio, Marco 
Antonio Flaminio, Kilian and Jean Sinapi 
(these two were Germans and brothers, their 
real name being Senft), Fulvio Peregrino 
Morato (formerly tutor of the younger broth- 
ers of the duke). The eldest daughter, Anna, 
met, at an early age, the wishes and expecta- 
tions of her mother. She made surprising 
progress in her knowledge of the Latin and 
Greek languages, and could express herself 
with precision and skill in Italian. 

In her tenth year, an age when most chil- 
dren can barely speak their mother-tongue 
correctly, she could repeat by heart select 
quotations from Demosthenes and Cicero. 
She also made, about this time, a translation 
of -^sop's Fables. She was greatly aided in 
her studies by a companion, who was five 



I04 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

years her senior, and really a prodigy of her 
sex. This was Olympia Morato, the daughter 
of Peregrin o Morato, whom we have men- 
tioned, and who has a place of distinction 
among the scholars of Italy. Olympia was 
born in the year 1526, at Ferrara, and was 
instructed during the early years of her life 
into the sources of classical education. The 
German, Kilian Sinapi, was her first instruc- 
tor in Greek and Latin, and, in an incredibly 
short time, she comprehended the languages 
of Homer and Virgil. The most learned men 
of the city sought the acquaintance of this 
rarely gifted girl. Every one was -astonished 
at the learned responses she gave. Her name 
and fame could not remain concealed from the 
Duchess Renata. Whom could she have ap- 
pointed as companion to her children better 
than this most distinguished young lady of 
the city, and perhaps of all Italy. Olym- 
pia was also happy to receive the honorable 
invitation to become a companion of the prin- 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 10$ 

cesses, and to assist them in their studies. 
At home she had frequently been obliged 
to bestow attention on domestic affairs, and 
she deplored each hour that was taken from 
, her learned labors. 

Celio Calcagnini, one of the most brilliant 
meteors among the many luminous phenomena 
of Ferrara, wished Oylmpia every success on 
her entrance into the ducal palace. "Thou 
canst," he wrote, " devote thyself in future to 
thy chosen studies, change the distaff for the 
pen, linen for books, the needle for the imple- 
ments of thought. Behold, in order to facili- 
tate the accomplishment of thy wishes, and to 
increase thy fame, fate has called thee by a 
special favor to the court of the duchess and 
the society of her daughter, whose rare talents 
seem to promise an honor to her parents equal 
to that which she has received from them. 
Thy business is to preserve the treasures 
which thou hast received from thy parents — 
namely, morality, modesty, and piety — and to 



I06 RENATA OF ESTE, 

combine with them female delicacy, gener- 
osity, and the contempt of all littleness." 
Thirst for learning did not undergo any 
change by Olympiads residence at the court, 
but, on the contrary, received a new impetus. 
The Princess Anna became very fond of her 
young instructress. The difference of age and 
position appeared to be forgotten by both. 

There lived another young lady at the court 
who was worthy of being the third in this 
beautiful trio, and this was the princess La- 
vinia de Rovera, who was likewise endowed 
with rare mental gifts, and of the noblest 
qualities of heart. Olympia became her most 
intimate friend, and the tie which united them 
was so firm and enduring, that, at a later pe- 
riod, neither time nor distance was able to 
loosen it. The fame of the young scholar 
soon became so universal that she was neces- 
sitated to give public lectures, and to take part 
in scientific disputations. The learned Celio 
Secundo ' Curione made the following report 



HAPPY DAYS AT PER PAR A, \ 0/ 

concerning that time : " Then we heard her 
lecture, now on Latin studies, now speak ex- 
tempore in Greek, and now explain orator or 
poet, and answer all questions which were put 
to her." 

At the age of fourteen she wrote a masterly- 
defense of Cicero against the attack of a cer- 
tain scholar, and the already-mentioned Cal- 
cagnini assigned this little book a place among 
the precious treasures of his library. Soon 
afterward, she recited poems in Greek and 
Latin, among which was a hymn which she 
had composed in the style of the Greek poets, 
Pindar and Sappho, and which became very 
celebrated. Such a young lady could not fail 
to receive appreciative and flattering acknowl- 
edgements. We will give extracts from a let- 
ter which Lilio Gregorio Giraldi addressed to 
her, because, at the same time, Renata is 
mentioned in the most complimentary manner. 
He says : " Gloriously and in lovely grace thou 
standest, thou who wert educated in the courts 



I08 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

where virtue has its home, among the female 
choir of the children of Renata, and in con- 
stant communication with the muses ! Happy 
the princess who is served by such a lady ! 
Happy the parent who gave thee life and 
blessed thee with the significant name of 
Olympia ! Happiest of all, the man to whom 
thou shalt extend thy hand as wife — if 
ever a man shall have that fortune ! I, my- 
self, feel fortunate if, in the midst of pain, 
such a maiden shows me favor in my gray 
old age/* 

The duchess did riot fail to prove her love 
and good-will toward Olympia. When the 
latter was ill, and in need of motherly care, 
Renata allowed her, although with a heavy 
heart, to be carried to her parental home in 
the ducal sedan, and in the same manner se- 
cured her return, which was celebrated by the 
whole court as a joyful event. The children 
of the duke could not keep pace with this 
favorite of the muses ; but her influence over 



HAPPY DAYS AT PER KARA. 1 09 

them could not be mistaken. Anna made 
translations of the old writers into Italian, and 
vice versa, and in this way won the highest 
praise. The learned Galcagnini wrote to her : 
" I have 'read the fables which thou hast trans- 
lated from the Tuscan into the Latin language 
in such an elegant and beautiful style as be- 
comes a royal hand. I only experienced pain 
when I had finished reading them, because I 
came so soon to the end, and because my 
curiosity could not longer be satisfied. I hope 
these efforts, as a seed of thy future perfection, 
will ripen and bear fruit to the honor of thy 
name. I have been pleased to-day to applaud 
thy first work on the stage of fame." 

In the year 1541, the same scholar gave 
expression to the following language : " The 
cheerful leaves which thou hast presented to 
me appear to deserve Roman citizenship and 
the honor of the toga, with which they might 
appear before the senate and the patrician 
courts. I have retained them in order to 



no RENATA OF ESTE, 

rejoice in their society a little longer, and, in 
order to be comforted for thy absence, I have 
promised them symbols which will make them 
still more beautiful. They have begged of me 
the favor to be allowed to return to thee. It 
is enough for them that they have received 
adornment from a hand which could even 
have beautified the graces." 

We can not regard this as an overdrawn 
piece of flattery, when the historian Brantome 
says of the princesses, ** The daughters of 
Renata were very beautiful, but their mother 
gave them a still greater beauty, inasmuch as 
she had them instructed in the arts and 
sciences, in which they became so perfect as 
to shame the most learned, and while they 
possessed beautiful features, they possessed 
still more beautiful souls.'' 

When Pope Paul III visited Ferrara, in the 
year 1544, an opportunity was offered of giv- 
ing evidence of the talents of Renata's chil- 
dren. Duke Hercules wished to make the 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 1 1 1 

relations of his family to his liege lord better 
than they had been under his father and 
grandfather. He gave, therefore, all neces- 
sary orders to prepare for his high guest not 
only a splendid reception, but also to make 
his residence as agreeable as possible. First 
of all, he welcomed and lodged him in the 
charming villa of Belvidere, where he and his 
whole family were stopping. 

The villa and its surroundings were adorned 
in such a magnificent manner that one could 
almost imagine himself transferred into fairy- 
land. Among other festivities, there was to 
be the performance of a Latin comedy, "The 
Brothers of Terence," in order to celebrate 
the presence of the Pope, and to pass away the 
time. The duke's children were among the 
actors, and the chief parts devolved upon 
them. The Pope, as well as all the other 
spectators, were astounded at the perfection 
of the representation and diction, which they 
had not expected from children of such a 



112 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

tender age. This high and distinguished guest 
remained at Belvidere and Ferrara for several 
days ; and each day, and we might say each 
hour, presented fresh festivities, so that the 
Pope was greatly delighted with his visit. At 
this time he had several confidential confer- 
ences with the duke, the results of which 
were, after a time, plainly visible. 

Renata did not show, in the exercise of her 
hospitality, that she was of a different mind 
from her husband in regard to the Papacy. 
She willingly exerted herself to the utmost to 
preserve the honor of her house. She appears 
to have interfered but little in affairs of State. 
She let the duke do as he pleased in this re- 
spect ; and, indeed, if she had tried, she would 
have exejcised but little influence upon him. 
She vied with the learned men in declarations 
of good-will, but from quite a different motive. 
She did it more for the sake of the thing itself 
than for the honor of receiving the name of a 
feminine Maecenas in history. 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 1 1 3 

Among the celebrated scholars who sym- 
pathized and rejoiced in her proceedings, the 
following are the best known: Bembo, Sodo- 
let, Paleario, Peregrino, Morato, Lilio and Gio- 
vanni Battista Giraldi, the brothers Sinapi, 
and others. She communicated with these in 
the most kindly and confiding manner. She 
listened to their discourses, and drew them 
into her society at court. She gave earnest 
attention to their writings, and offered them 
her helping hand whenever they needed it. 
A learned life and effort at Ferrara required 
her fostering care, such as has been seldom 
repeated in a town of that size. Volumes 
might be written, containing the names and 
services of the masters of science and art 
who were then congregated at the residence 
of the Duke d'Este. All these men gratefully 
recognized the encouragement and advance- 
ment which they owed to their patron, and 
especially to their amiable patroness. They 
contributed much, by the dedication of various 



114 RENATA OF ESTE. 

works, by poems and letters to her, toward 
making the name of Renata immortal. 

In the year 1540, Andrea Bruccioli dedi- 
cated to Renata his Italian translation of 
the Bible. He bestowed upon her, in the 
dedicatory letter, the most beautiful testi- 
mony to her unshaken courage, her extensive 
knowledge, her fervent piety, and her charity. 
Most of these learned men at the court of 
Ferrara were attached to the Protestant doc- 
trines, and had sought protection in that city 
against the persecutions of religious fanati- 
cism. All were not equally decided antago- 
nists of Rome. Marco Antonio Flaminio, for 
instance, sought to occupy an intermediate 
position. Others, on the contrary, expressed 
themselves determinedly, and none more so 
than the brothers Sinapi and Lilio Giraldi. 
There was no formally organized Protestant 
community at Ferrara; but those possessing 
these sentiments often met together, in order 
to strengthen each other. Renata was in 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 1 1 5 

frequent communication with them, although 
she constantly took part in the Catholic serv- 
ice. She proved herself a worthy scholar of 
the well-known Marguerite de Valois, and was 
as indifferent to outward forms as the latter. 
At first, the duke did not notice how much 
the seed of the Gospel was being dissemi- 
nated in his neighborhood, or perhaps he did 
not wish to notice it. An open rupture with 
the Church of Rome was not to his interest. 
Besides, he cared but little for religion. He 
was too much given to unbelief to be con- 
sidered a faithful member of the Romish 
Church ; and he only sought to maintain 
peace and friendship from political motives. 
So long, therefore, as his wife fulfilled out- 
wardly the demands of the Church, and so 
long as the learned men in Ferrara attempted 
no direct hostility against the Pope, he re- 
mained quiet. He cared very little whether 
these men were of the Catholic or Protestant 
faith. He was conscious, however, that he 



Il6 REiVATA OF ESTE, 

could not sustain a critical examination of 
the thoughts of his heart, and that in other 
respects Renata had to reproach him. Per- 
haps this state of things would have contin- 
ued for some time, if Renata had not been 
driven from her accommodating position to 
greater resoluteness. 

In the Autumn of 1535, there appeared a 
man at the court of Ferrara who knew well 
what he wanted, and to whom the halting be- 
tween two opinions was a crime. This was 
John Calvin, the second founder of the Re- 
formed Church, but the most important of 
all. He had been obliged to flee from France 
because of his religious views, and since he 
had heard of the religious movement in Italy, 
and of the Protestant sentiments of Renata, 
he came to the conclusion to cross the Alps, 
in order to*convince himself if matters actually 
were as they had been represented to him. 
He also wished to see if he could not do some- 
thing to aid in the extension of the Gospel on 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 1 1 7 

Italian soil. If it were possible to overthrow 
the dominion of the Pope there, the victory of 
the Reformation would then be secure in all 
the countries of Europe. He, therefore, started 
joyfully on the way, and arrived at Ferrara 
under the name of Charles d'Espeville. He 
had concealed his true name because he feared 
that, if it were known, so strong a prejudice 
would be raised against him that he would not 
be able to accomplish any thing. Nor did he 
dare to conceal from himself the fact that he 
would be subjected to the greatest danger of 
being seized or put to death by the adherents 
of the Pope. 

.But, with his name, John Calvin had not laid 
aside his nature. He had frequent conversa- 
tions with Renata, and he did not neglect, on 
these occasions, to represent earnestly to her, 
her former irresolution, and to admonish her, 
openly and without fear, to recognize the Gos- 
pel, and entirely renounce any participation in 
the Catholic worship. During his residence 



Il8 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

in Ferrara, the friends of the Reformation 
assembled in a small chapel belonging to the 
ducal palace, in order to pray in common, to 
read the Bible, and to listen to the discourses 
of the Reformer. His countrymen at the ducal 
court, and the Duchess Renata herself, were 
very attentive auditors. But Italians of both 
sexes attended in great numbers. For some 
time, the duke appeared to be ignorant of what 
was going on ; and, indeed, did not know who 
the stranger was who made such a commotion 
in the little circle. Whenever he came in 
contact with him, he was astonished at his 
acute and profound mind. He recognized in 
him only the man of science, not the zealous 
Reformer. 

But the influence of Calvin and the effect of 
his preaching could not long remain concealed. 
In place of the former uncertainty, there was 
now great resolution. The Protestant Chris- 
tians manifested their belief in word and deed. 
The mask of Roman ecclesiasticism fell,. and 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA, 1 1 g 

disclosed the countenance and bearing of the 
true believers of the Gospel. 

The duke could remain passive no longer, 
if he wished not to break with Rome. At 
first he thought it would be enough to remove 
the guest, who was manifestly the principal 
cause of the growing revolution. Calvin, or 
rather Charles d'Espeville, as he was always 
called, was obliged to leave Ferrara, after a 
residence of about six months. It must, how- 
ever, ever remain undecided whether he, aware 
of the threatening danger, departed voluntarily, 
or whether he was formally banished. It was 
reported that he was arrested in Ferrara, in 
order to be conveyed to Bologna, but that on 
the way he was overtaken by masked horse- 
men, and freed, as Luther was on his return 
from Worms. 

But the removal of Calvin did not destroy 
Ms influence. The seed sown by him could 
rot be extirpated. Even when Clement Marot 
was compelled to leave the city, many still 



120 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

remained behind, who did not waver in the 
faith, but, on the contrary, helped to strengthen 
others. From that time to the end, Renata 
preserved the strictest adherence to, and the 
highest esteem for, Calvin. She was in fre- 
quent correspondence with him, and was, 
therefore, greatly comforted and encouraged. 
Even at this time she did not, according to 
external appearance, leave the Catholic Church. 
In one respect, she was obliged to have regard 
for her position, and avoid every thing which 
could cause surprise; another cause of her 
course was, that the impressions of her child- 
hood and youth continued to exist and to 
have their influence. She also believed that 
she was able to set Protestant piety at work 
in the midst of Catholic forms. Calvin had 
always some fault to find with her, and some- 
thing to improve. She still extended her pro- 
tecting hand, where it was possible, toward 
all French and Italians who had been obliged 
to suffer persecution for the sake of their faith 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRA RA, 1 2 1 

Calvin, from a distance, continually kept a 
watchful eye upon her, and came quickly to 
the rescue whenever she was on the point of 
yielding at the expense of Protestant truth. 
We are much astonished when we consider 
the candid expressions and the imperious de- 
meanor of the Reformer toward the duchess. 
The superiority of mind over the advantages 
of external position is here strongly mani- 
fested. Calvin felt himself called, no matter 
how or when circumstances demanded it, to 
devote much attention to a princess who was 
exposed to temptations from every source. 

A priest named Francois found admission 
to Renata, and persuaded her and the court- 
iers, that they could attend mass in the 
Reformed manner, and in the same way cele- 
brate the Lord's-supper. Calvin, therefore, 
wrote a long letter to the duchess, in the year 
1 541, from which we will make a few quota- 
tions. '' Worthy lady," he wrote, '^ I beg most 
humbly that you will not misjudge my bold- 



122 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

ness, inasmuch as I take the liberty to address 
these lines to you ; for you must consider that, 
if there is too much candor, it does not pro- 
ceed from arrogance, but from a pure and 
sincere desire to serve you. Since I have 
confessed myself as an unprofitable servant of 
the Church, it has appeared to me advisable 
to render any service to you, according to the 
grace which the Lord has given to me. I 
have even thought that it was indispensable 
on my part so to act, if I would perform the 
duty which I feel that I owe you, and to care 
for you spiritually as far as possible. When 
I consider what a high and important place 
the Lord has given you, it appears to me that 
all who are called to serve the Lord must feel 
compelled to offer you assistance, and all the 
more so, because princely persons like yourself 
are able to promote God*s kingdom greatly. 
Besides, I have found in you such a fear of 
God, and such a longing to serve Him, that, 
apart from the elevation which God has given 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA. 1 23 

you among men, I regard God's manifestations 
of grace toward you as abundant and signifi- 
cant, so that I should hold myself accursed if 
I allowed the opportunity of serving you to 
pass by unimproved. And this I say without 
flattery, but with a sincere heart." 

Calvin then characterized the priest, whom 
we have mentioned, in any thing but a favora- 
ble manner, and gave the assurance that he 
had heard of this offense, and had been im- 
pelled to write this letter. The news had 
been communicated to him by travelers, who 
did not know that he would write to her. 
He did not indulge the least hatred against 
Fran9ois ; but, as he had noticed that he dis- 
torted the Word of God, and extinguished the 
light of truth in it, he could not overlook the 
matter. Francois had ever been ambitious, 
and labored for his own interests, and con- 
ducted himself according to the men with 
whom he came in contact ; he had even sol- 
emnly boasted never to take part in the 



124 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

mass, since it was an abominable action. He 
preached the Gospel only to procure favor 
and benefit, and proceeded on the principle of 
displeasing no one who could ignore him. 

Concerning the mass, Calvin said it was, 
according to the doctrine of the Catholics, a 
sacrifice for the redemption and salvation of 
the living and the dead. It was a blasphemy 
not to be endured, by which the suffering of 
Christ lost its significance. If the death of 
Christ was to be recognized as the single 
sacrifice which was offered once for all, its 
intrinsic worth was taken from it by the sac- 
rifice of the mass. In the Bible the curse of 
God is pronounced on those who should serve 
strange gods and idols. According to the 
prophet Ezekiel, the Lord would rather that 
a man give himself entirely to the worship of 
idols, than that he should hesitate between 
His laws and human ordinations. We must 
not vacillate between those things v/hich 
God has required and forbidden, nor direct 



HAPPY DAYS AT FERRARA, 1 25 

ourselves according to the judgment of the 
world. We must especially avoid those things 
whereby we may become a stone of stum- 
bling and vexation to others. If we would 
flee from all at which the world stumbles, 
we must forsake the world. Christ also had 
been a stone of stumbling and vexation to 
many. 

Renata was not angry at the bold language 
of the man, who, under a rough exterior, con- 
cealed a benevolent heart. She could not, in 
all cases, immediately comply with all his de- 
sires ; but his admonitions were never given 
to her in vain. She ever became firmer and 
more decided in her Protestant sentiments. 
She only sought to avoid all unpleasant rela- 
tions with her husband. It was her duty, 
for the sake of her children, to do whatever 
she could to preserve peace and unity in 
her marriage relations. We, therefore, be- 
lieve ourselves fully justified in considering 
the duchess, at this time, an evangelical 



126 



REN ATA OF ESTE. 



and Protestant Christian, which she was re- 
garded as by her contemporaries, and loved 
and praised, or blamed and persecuted, accord- 
ingly. 





(^^^ 



V. 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 




a^HE reader may have anticipated, from 



the conclusion of the last chapter, 
that the delightful days at Ferrara 
would soon come to an end, and that sorrows 
and afflictions would take their place. The 
ecclesiastical reaction was soon in full prog- 
ress, and its path was marked by imprison- 
ment and blood. During the reign of Paul 
III (1534-49), or at least during the first part 
of it, men of wavering disposition had re- 
ceived influential ecclesiastical positions, and 
had even been invested with the dignity of 
cardinal. One of them, Contarini, was pres- 
ent as Papal Legate at the Imperial Diet at 

127 



128 RENATA OF ESTE, 

Ratisbon, in the year 1541, so that it was 
hoped that in some measure a satisfactory- 
agreement would be arrived at. 

But this was not the case. It soon became 
clear that not a hair's-breadth of concession 
could be expected from the Pope. Even the 
little which Contarini had yielded did not 
meet with his approval. The stricter party 
became stronger and stronger, and they never 
ceased to insinuate to the Pope that it was 
just by those men of Protestant leanings 
that the Reformation was nourished and the 
enemies of the Papacy strengthened. The 
approaching change soon showed itself. All 
the more mildly disposed persons lost their 
influence, and some inclined once more to 
strict Catholicism. 

In the year 1542, the Catholic zealots ob- 
tained the introduction of the Inquisition for 
the suppression of heresy on both sides of the 
Alps. The inquisitors received the power to 
examine every one at pleasure, without refer- 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 1 29 

ence to position, honor, sex, or age, to throw 
the suspected into prison, and to punish the 
guilty with the confiscation of their property, 
or even with death. 

From the year 1534, no book was allowed to 
be printed without permission of the Inquisi- 
tion. Moreover, all heretical writings, which 
were carefully searched for, were seized and 
burned. Some books, as the one already 
mentioned, on the "Benefits of Christ,'* were 
destroyed almost to the last copy, so that, 
for a long time, they were considered as lost. 
The successor of Pope Paul III, Pope Julius 
III, who reigned from 1550 to 1555, led an 
idle and sensual life, and chiefly occupied him- 
self in the arrangement and beautifying of a 
garden. The enemies of the Reformation 
were able to act with less control, and they 
left nothing undone which they thought could 
finally bring about the total annihilation of 
the Reformation. 

In the year 1555, when Cardinal Giovanni 
9 



130 RENATA OF ESTE. 

CarafFa, at the age of seventy-nine, ascended 
the Papal Chair as Pope Paul IV, affairs were 
conducted in a still worse manner than be- 
fore. His great aim was to destroy the last 
trace of Protestantism, particularly in Italy, 
and to restore the Papacy to its former power 
and magnificence. He boasted that, during 
his entire reign, he allowed no day to pass 
without issuing some decree tending to the 
restoration of the Church to its former purity. 
At his command, whole heaps of Protestant 
books were burned. Neither private nor pub- 
lic libraries escaped such violence. The con- 
ducting of the Tribunal of the Inquisition, for 
whose foundation he had labored when car- 
dinal, was his favorite occupation. He ex- 
tended its authority, and imparted to it the 
right of using the rack for the discovery of 
accomplices, and even to interfere with the 
noblest and most distinguished people. 

All endeavors to suppress the Protestant 
movement would have failed to have the 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, I31 

desired result if there had been men among 
the Italian princes such as the Elector of 
Saxony or the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. 
There were, however, no such noble men, for 
the small Italian princes had not the courage 
to differ with the Pope, on whom they were 
more or less dependent. There were also 
many lukewarm and indifferent Protestant 
Christians, who did not wish matters to come 
to a decided issue. They were those who 
received the new views in ^ general sense, 
but still did not accept the principles of the 
Reformation with decision and consistency. 
These people did not wish for a schism in 
the Church, and still less believed themselves 
called to a martyr's death. Many embraced 
the principles which a scholar, to whom we 
have been introduced at Ferrara, Celio Cal- 
cagnini, had expressed: "It was dangerous to 
give expression to such things before the mul- 
titude or in open conversation." 

Besides, there were, among those who had 



132 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

thrown off the fetters of the Papacy, some 
prominent and influential persons, who had 
been misled, by their acute understanding, to 
deny such doctrines as were then considered 
to be incontestable fundamental doctrines 
of Christianity; for instance, the Divinity of 
Christ. Even Bernardino Ochino, the two 
Lilios, and Faustus Socinius, whom we have 
mentioned before, the founder of the so-called 
Socinians, belonged to the opponents of the 
doctrine of the Trinity. It was then said, 
"When once the authority of the Church is 
denied, see how every thing is disarranged!" 
How many hearts which had been inclined 
to the Reformation were again alienated ! And 
the friends of Protestantism in Italy failed all 
the more to make a firm stand, because they 
had no common confession about which they 
could rally as around a common flag. The 
strifes concerning the Lord's-supper also pro- 
voked hostile divisions among them, espe- 
cially in Venice; and all this contributed 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 133 

toward facilitating the opposition of the Pope. 
Hundreds, we can say thousands, lost their 
freedom and life by this means ; and a still 
greater number were obliged to forsake hearth 
and home and seek refuge in foreign lands, 
especially in Germany and Switzerland. 

But there were not wanting instances of 
firm adherence to faith among the Reformers 
of Italy. Cardinal Morone, when Bishop of 
Modena, had sought, with great earnestness, 
to distribute the book of Paleario on '^The 
Benefits of Christ." He w^as taxed with hav- 
ing embraced the doctrine of justification by 
faith, and with placing and maintaining his 
trust in the blood of Christ alone, which 
amounted to denying the worship of the 
saints. He was compelled to languish in 
prison, for such evangelical principles, until 
the death of Paul IV. 

In Venice, Baldassare Altieri had been one 
of the most enthusiastic partisans of the Ref- 
ormation. When the reaction began to gain 



134 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

ground in that place, he hastened to Zurich, 
and to other towns of Switzerland, in order to 
obtain letters of introduction to the Council 
of his native city. He received them, but 
was deceived in his hope of their efficacy, 
being obliged to leave the Venetian territory. 
In Bergamo, he again met with his wife and 
children, and thought that he would find shel- 
ter and safety with Renata. She, however, 
could no longer stretch forth her protecting 
hand over her companions in faith, as she had 
done formerly. Altieri was obliged to go still 
farther. At Florence and other places he 
was also dismissed. At length he concealed 
himself in a little town in the territory of 
Brescia, but was still active for the cause of 
the Gospel. He returned again to Venice, for 
the purpose of taking away what little prop- 
erty he had there. In October, 1550, death 
released him from all future sufferings. 

Pietro Carnesechi, of Florence, thought, 
when he was persecuted by the Inquisition, 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 1 35 

that he would be able to live unmolested at 
the court of the friendly Duke Cosmo de 
Medici ; but he was as unsuccessful as Altieri. 
The duke, on the receipt of a Papal letter, 
had him seized at his table and sent in chains 
to Rome. Here it was thought that he could 
be moved to recant; but he could not be in- 
duced to do so, either by threats or torture. 
He was therefore executed and burned. 

In Calabria there were two communities of 
Waldenses, at Santa Visto and at La Guardia, 
who, by their diligence and moral conduct, 
had won the love and esteem of all around 
them, particularly of their landlords. How 
they were treated in the year 1560, an eye- 
witness, and even a Catholic, reported as fol- 
lows: "Having communicated to you, from 
time to time, what has happened here on 
occasions of heresy, I have now to tell you 
what fearful judgments have been visited on 
the Lutherans in our neighborhood. To tell 
the truth, I can only compare it to the 



136 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

slaughtering of sheep. They were all cooped 
up in a house, as in a sheep-fold. The execu- 
tioner brought them out, one after another, 
led them to an open place, bade them kneel 
down, and then severed their heads from 
their bodies. In this manner eighty-eight 
were murdered. I can scarcely refrain from 
tears as I write this. No man who had 
looked on the execution of one could be 
present at that of a second. To-day another 
command has appeared, according to which 
one hundred and sixty grown persons are to 
be executed. The number of heretics impris- 
oned in Calabria are six hundred. I did not 
know that they had behaved themselves im- 
properly; for they are a simple and well- 
instructed people,- who occupy themselves 
altogether with the spade and the plow.** 

In other places, the most inhuman cruelties 
were inflicted on the unfortunate ones. A 
certain Bernardino Conte, of Cosenza, was 
smeared with pitch, and then burned before 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 1 37 

the eyes of the people. Another, named Mor- 
zone, was stripped of his clothing, scourged 
with rods, and then beaten to death with 
burning torches. One of his sons, who had 
resisted all attempts to make him recant, was 
led up to a high tower, and commanded to 
embrace a crucifix if he did not wish to be 
cast down. He refused, and the threat was 
carried out. After indescribable dangers and 
sufferings, were some enabled to escape to 
foreign lands. How Renata's heart must 
have bled to hear of such cruelties, and yet 
to be unable to prevent them ! She could 
only assist a few fugitives in escaping from 
their persecutors. 

Her position had become a lamentable one, 
and these changes for the worse had com- 
menced with the departure 6f Calvin. Renata 
was soon after obliged to send away her secre- 
tary, Clement Marot, who had pleased her 
very much on account of his beautiful hand- 
writing. Another Frenchman, Lion Jamez, 



138 RE NAT A OF ESTE, 

who seemed less suspicious, took his place. 
But this man, as well as the remaining French, 
were obliged to yield, partly on political and 
partly on religious grounds. Hercules had 
separated himself from the French party, and 
would therefore no longer endure any of these 
people in his court. It was not known to him 
that the countrymen of his wife were firm 
adherents to the Protestant doctrines, and for 
that reason Renata was confirmed in her re- 
gard for them. The much tried wife found it 
the hardest to part with her old governess, 
Madame de Soubise, and to find herself -sur- 
rounded by servants in whom she had no 
confidence. 

In the year 1539, she expressed the wish to 
her brother-in-law, through the Constable de 
Montmorency, that he would intercede for her, 
so that she might receive better treatment; but 
this appeal was seemingly unnoticed. Matters 
continued in this way for some time, until 
religious persecution commenced in a more 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 39 

extended manner in Ferrara. The few days 
which the Pope spent in Belvidere and Ferrara 
contributed, apparently, to stimulate the fanat- 
icism of the duke, and to procure full validity 
for the Papal decrees. Nor did other persons 
fail to represent to the duke what a disgrace 
heresy was to the house of Este, which had so 
long been famous for its adherence to the 
Papal Chair, and what a dangerous example the 
mother was setting before her children and 
the whole court ; how the respect of the house 
was lost among other Catholic powers ; and 
how effectually the Pope could manifest his 
displeasure. 

In 1545, the Inquisition was commenced in 
Ferrara. The Pope directed an earnest and' 
urgent letter to the inhabitants of the city, in 
which he charged them, under heavy penalties, 
to watch all persons in the most critical man- 
ner, no matter what their rank or station, 
whose religious sentiments were suspected, 
and to examine whether any such reasons 



I40 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

were founded on truth. They should not 
hesitate to use torture until every thing was 
discovered. They should then send their re- 
ports to Rome, that judgment might be pro- 
nounced. Spies' went about Ferrara, as well 
as over the whole of Italy, insinuating them- 
selves, under cover of love and friendship, 
nto the favor of those who were suspected, 
and enticing them into expressions which 
could be used against them as reasons for 
persecution. As the duke was anxious to 
clear himself from the suspicion that he was 
in sympathy with his wife, and, like her, af- 
forded protection to Protestants, the prisons 
w^ere filled. 

Whoever wished to save himself, hastened 
away. Others were driven away by official 
command ; but many were obliged to suffer 
martyrdom ; so that, after a short time, the city 
and its neighborhood were, in the main, puri- 
fied from heresy. No matter what merit any 
any one had acquired in earlier days in the 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 141 

ducal family, it did not protect him if he were 
now suspected of Protestantism. The brothers 
Sinapi, too, were obliged to leave the city, 
although, as the former teachers of the princes 
and princess, the duke should have shown 
them more leniency. Among those who sealed 
their jiove of the Gospel with death, was Fan- 
nio Faventino, who belonged to Faenza, in 
the Papal states. When he became convinced 
of the truth of the Protestant doctrines by 
reading the Scriptures, he felt compelled to 
enlighten others, in order to lead them back 
from their heterodoxy. He was cast into 
prison, and compelled to recant. 

When by this weakness he had again re- 
ceived his liberty, he was all the more zealous 
in the confession of his faith, in order to make 
amends for his past offense. He preached 
from place to place in the Romagna. The 
consequence was, that he was again seized 
and placed in safe-keeping. This time he was 
steadfast. His wife and sister visited him in 



142 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

prison, and besought him, for their sakes, again 
to recant. He answered: **It ought to be 
enough for you that I have once denied my 
Savior for your sake. Had I then known 
what I have experienced by my fall, through 
the grace of God I should not have yielded to 
your wish. Go home in peace !" Even in his 
imprisonment he took measures to strengthen 
others in their faith. 

Olympia Morata and the Princess Lavinia 
visited him in prison, in order to profit from 
his conversation and his example. The influ- 
ence of his piety and of his impressive words 
was lasting on his fellow-prisoners, so that 
those who^ were afterward set free openly 
acknowledged that they had not known what 
freedom and happiness were until, through 
Fannio, they found it within the walls of the 
prison. He was, therefore, placed in solitary 
confinement. Here he wrote Christian es- 
says for the instruction and edification of his 
friends. So much was the influence of his 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 143 

conversation on those who came in contact 
with him feared, that his jailors were fre- 
quently changed. It was some time during 
the year 1550 that he was first strangled, and 
then burned, on account of his being a dan- 
gerous heretic. 

Renata was obliged to witness all these out- 
breaks of fanaticism quietly, and be consoled 
with the thought that she was still left un- 
molested. She was, however, constantly re- 
strained more and more. Her husband was 
afraid to put her, the daughter of a king of 
France, under greater restraint than that of 
isolation and restriction. 

Almost forsaken in her princely apartments, 
she was obliged to close her troubled heart, 
and could only seek comfort and tranquillity 
among the few faithful ones left hen Among 
these was the daughter of Madame de Sou- 
bise and Madame de Pons. She read will- 
ingly and frequently in the Scriptures, and 
could truly say, ''Unless thy law had been 



144 RENATA OF ESTE, 

my delight, I should then have perished in 
mine affliction." 

Even the marriage of her daughter Anna 
was, in many respects, an event of little pleas- 
ure to her. It was thought that this was her 
favorite daughter, and was best qualified to 
give her mother comfort and advice. Anna 
was joined in matrimony, in 1548, to Duke 
Francis of Lorraine, who, under the name of 
Francis de Guise, had acquired an unfortunate 
celebrity as the principal persecutor of the 
Protestants in France. From history we can 
not learn whether Renata was perfectly satis- 
fied with this union or not. If she were not 
at first, she must have been brought to con- 
sent to it in the hope that some amelioration 
of the oppression which the Protestants suf- 
fered might be the result; for it was the 
universal opinion that Anna was inclined to 
the Reformation. But whether this was so or 
not, she could neither promote nor hinder the 
marriage, as sTie had lost all influence with 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 145 

the duke. One thing was very evident, how- 
ever, that her sad condition was mcreased by 
the pain of Separation. 

It can be said, with truth, that all who had 
been associated with Anna in any way were 
thrown into deep grief by her departure. She 
was universally beloved because of her vir- 
tues, but especially because of her affability 
and sweet disposition. 

Soon after the marriage, Olympia Morata, 

the faithful friend of Anna, was obliged to 

leave the court. Even before the departure 

of the princess, she had been called to the 

sick-bed of her father, and by her care of him 

had given proof that she had neither forgotten, 

in the midst of her scientific occupations, hov/ 

to attend to domestic matters, or to cherish 

the most ardent filial affection. Yet all her 

devoted and self-sacrificing care was not able 

to save the life of her father. He died in 

the faith in which he had lived, full of joyous 

peace. 

10 



146 RENATA OF ESTE. 

Olympia did not return again to her former 
position. She had lost her former favor with 
the duke by means of a Carmehte monk, Hie- 
ronymus Bolsec, from Paris. He had gone 
to Ferrara, in order to find a place of 
refuge. Renata received him with good-will, 
as one of her banished people, and appointed 
him her almoner. In doing so, she placed a 
viper in her house. Bolsec sought, above all, 
to destroy Olympiads influence, apparently be- 
cause of her Protestant opinions. He caused 
her to be suspected by the duchess, and still 
more by the duke. Olympia was resolved to 
defend herself from the accusations brought 
against her; she stood alone before her ene- 
mies and foes. Her friend Anna had already 
been absent from the city for some time, and 
could no longer say a word in her defense. 
The duchess was silent — we believe less be- 
cause she had any mistrust than because she 
dared not venture any step in opposition to 
the duke. 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 147 

Olympia remained as one banished by her 
family. She thus expresses her pain in a let- 
ter written afterward : '* After the death of my 
father, I stood alone, betrayed and forsaken 
by those who should have supported me. I 
was exposed to the most unjust maltreatment 
in return for my faithfulness and affection ; but 
my sisters took my part. You may think 
how great was my pain, when of all those 
who called themselves our friends, none ven- 
tured to show us any sympathy. It was 
almost as we had been thrust into the lower 
regions, from which there was no escape." 

Renata's silence and inattention in the mat- 
ter had given others cause for suspicion. We 
can not think that, in this case, she proved 
herself untrue, and had forgotten how near 
Olympia, a short time before, had stood to 
her and her daughter. The character of this 
noble princess, which afterward showed its bet- 
ter features, contradicts this supposition. Her 
firm courage and steadfast resolution seemed, 



148 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

indeed, to fail her; but her loving heart re- 
mained with her until the latest moment of 
her life. 

In August, 1554, Calvin wrote a letter to 
the duchess, which shows us in what disquiet 
he lived in relation to her constancy. He 
sent her a curate, Francis de Morel, Lord of 
Colanges, and expressed his regret that he was 
so restrained that he could not come himself 
to comfort and strengthen her. He said, 
further, that he should consider that he had 
deeply sinned if he did not support her in 
this time of need. Colanges proved to be 
the right man for her. He was a nobleman 
of an illustrious house, but without pride or 
vanity, humble and modest, as the children of 
God should always be. This man had long 
had an earnest desire to serve her in the Lord 
and to participate in her sorrows. She bade 
him welcome as a messenger of God, and she 
learned later that God had certainly sent him 
for her salvation. 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 49 

Calvin, at the same time, informed the duch- 
ess that an honorable Christian woman was 
ready to enter her service, in order to have 
control over her other attendants. She was 
not of a great name, and for that reason would 
be less likely to be an object of suspicion. 
Her previous conduct had been of such a 
character that the home of Renata could not 
fail in being blessed by her services. 

Renata was in need, at this time, of con- 
stant support, for the trials to which she was 
subjected threatened to be too heavy for her. 
Until now she had resisted all demands for 
her participation in the mass or in the Cath- 
olic confession ; but it was a question whether 
she could withstand successfully the renewed 
contest. 

Her nephev/, Henry H of France, deter- 
mined to give his assistance toward the con- 
version of his aunt. He, therefore, sent the 
Inquisitpr Du Oris, with an autographic let- 
ter to the Duchess of Ferrara, in which he 



150 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

expressed his pain that his dear relative had 
become involved in such a labyrinth of un- 
holy errors. She should, while there was 
yet time, think of the salvation of her soul, 
and return penitently to the bosom of the 
Chiu'ch. Du Oris had such peculiar written 
instructions in his pocket that we can not 
forbear gi\'ing them. " He shall first," it is 
written, " instruct himself precisely as to what 
degree of heresy the duchess has reached. 
Then he shall demand a conference with her, 
and express to her the great pain which His 
Most Christian Majesty, the King of France, 
felt on hearing the news that his beloved aunt 
had fallen into the participation of damnable 
and godless errors. If she can not be turned 
from her heresy by gentle means, by friendly 
remonstrances, it shall be brought about, with 
the help of the duke, by force. Du Oris 
shall preach to her, especially concerning 
those parts of the Bible by which she has 
allowed herself to be misled. She must be 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 151 

compelled to be present, together with her 
household, at these discourses, no matter what 
her objections may be. If, however, these 
proceedings are without success, then he 
shall beseech the duke in the name of His 
Majest}^, to isolate her from all society and 
intercourse with mankind, in order that she 
can not affect others with her sentiments. 
Above all, her children should be taken away 
from her, and none of her people who have 
been suspected of heresy allowed to go near 
her. Lastly, he should bring the latter to 
trial, and punish those who were found 
guilty. The punishment of the duchess her- 
self should be left to her husband, in order 
that it might be regulated, as far as justice 
would allow, without public outrage to herself 
or her relatives." 

The inquisitor found greater resistance than 
he had expected. The sorely tried Renata 
resisted all the demands of her country- 
man's fanatical persuasions. She was, there- 



152 REN A TA OF ESTE. 

fore, formally declared to be a heretic. They 
brought upon her maternal heart the inde- 
scribable pain of seeing all her children 
removed from her. She, at the command of 
her husband, who was authorized by the King 
of France to act thus, was conveyed, on the 
7th of September, 1554, to the old Castle of 
Este, by Bishop Rosetti and the Chevalier 
Ruggieri, where she was held in close custody. 
Only two waiting-women and her steward 
were allowed admittance to her. Her daugh- 
ters Leonore and Lucretia were placed in a 
convent. The duke made the most bitter 
complaints concerning her conduct, declaring 
that she had ruined herself and the whole 
family. Her position was wretched, as there 
was no one near to comfort or advise with 
her. She did not feel strong enough to per- 
severe, solitary and forsaken, in the contest 
which she had to sustain, especially as those 
around her were continually pointing out to 
her that, by a little submission, she could 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 153 

return to the bosom of her family. She 
thought much of the instructress of her 
youth, Marguerite of Valois, whom she so 
highly honored, and how she had submitted 
to the outward ordinances of the Catholic 
Church. She yielded, and Father Palletario 
came to her, on the 23d of September, for 
the purpose of receiving her confession, and 
to administer to her the Lord's-supper in the 
Catholic form. She repeated both on the ist 
of November, and received, in consequence, 
permission to return to the ducal palace. 
Universal exultation prevailed among the 
CathoHcs in consequence of this victory. If 
such a gifted and virtuous woman, in high 
position, submitted to the persecutions car- 
ried on against her, how could it fail to have 
the further success of almost fully suppressing 
Protestantism.? The news of Renata's fall 
depressed the Protestant Christians far and 
near. Whom, however, did the new^s affect 
the most.'* 



154 RENATA OF ESTE, 

In February, 1555 — we may think how long 
it then took news to spread — Calvin, the true 
curate, wrote to the duchess : " Worthy lady, — 
As, since the time when it pleased God to try 
your faith, I have not received any news from 
you except through general rumor, I do not 
know what I ought to write to you. I could 
not, however, let the opportunity which the 
bearer offered me go unimproved. You have 
deviated from the true path for the sake of 
the world. The enemy triumphed. We must 
sigh and droop our heads. Moreover, worthy 
lady, since our God is ever ready to take us 
into favor, and to extend his hand toward us 
when we have fallen, in order that the fall 
may not prove our death, I pray you to take 
new courage; and, if the enemy has for a 
moment profited by your weakness, and thus 
won some advantage over you, do not let him 
gain the eternal victory; but let him feel that 
those whom God hath comforted are doubly 
strengthened by him, so they are enabled to 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 55 

sustain every contest. If you will consider 
that God, while he humbles, his own, will not 
forever confound them, this will instill hope 
into your heart, so that your courage will be 
increased. I well know that the same storms 
which have caused you to fall are still contin- 
ually prepared for you. I pray you, therefore, 
to think how much you are indebted to Him 
who has bought you so dearly, and who in- 
vites you daily to the heavenly inheritance. 
He is not a master in whose service we con- 
ceal any thing, particularly when we consider 
the end of all for which we endure sorrow 
and shame in his service. . . . Worthy 
lady, I pray you, in the name of God, not 
only to surrender your person as a witness 
of the Gospel, but recommend you and your 
sympathizers in your household to silence all 
calumniators in that way." 

The exhortations of Calvin do not appear to 
have been in vain, although they did not pro- 
duce the resoluteness which he had wished. 



156 RENATA OF ESTE, 

In his next letter, on the lOth of June, 1555, 
he says : 

"Worthy lady,— Right well could I have 
wished to receive better news from you ; 
that is, that you had acquired true peace of 
mind through the service of God. Neverthe- 
less, I am much rejoiced to know that you do 
not cease to cry to God, and that you are en- 
deavoring to fulfill your sacred duty. That is 
the way in which we must fight in order to 
imitate the Son of God. It is indeed true 
that we have not all to sustain a like battle ; 
yet Satan will never allow us to serve God 
without temptations. You experience this 
more than many others ; but God has his 
reasons for placing these afflictions upon you. 
The position in which you find yourself is a 
trial of your faith, in order that you may expe- 
rience the more what a precious treasure the 
Gospel is. Preserve, now, the same courage 
for the future, and, no matter how long your 
trials may endure, expect a good result from 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 157 

your labors ; for it is certain that God will at 
last hear your sighs and prayers ; and he will 
offer you his hand if you do not become weary 
in the attempt. Be troubled only because it 
is not permitted you to use all that you pos- 
sess to the glorifying of his name. Such 
anxiety as yours is a hundred times more 
desirable than the quiet hours which those 
have who are contented with mere charity in 
his service without any thing farther. 

*' You must not be satisfied simply with 
striving. You must, rather, have regard for 
every favorable opportunity which God gives 
you, with the strictest attention, in order to 
make continual progress. Do not be weary 
of bringing into use, day by day, every means 
which can indicate to you the right way. . No 
matter how far you are yet from the goal, it 
will not be in vain that you strive after it. 
The result of our course is sure, if we contin- 
ually follow the appointed path. This, indeed, 
must give us strength to overcome all tempta- 



158 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

tions. If the children of the world venture 
on undertakings in a hope which too often 
deceives them, how different should it be with 
us, when we have the promise of God that we 
can be certain of our salvation! I do not 
write this to lull you into a feeling of security, 
but that you may ever be sorrowful concerning 
the oppressive slavery into which you are 
brought ; for a sense of our bondage is one 
means by which w^e can become freed from it. 
On the other hand, he who is pleased with his 
evil doings, closes the door against God, who 
withdraws his mercy. Worthy lady, I will, 
for my part, ever pray to God to take you 
under his protection, ever increase your knowl- 
edge, and strengthen your zeal to sen^e him 
for evermore." 

After the duchess was restored to liberty, 
she lived quite aloof from the court. She was 
obliged to look on quietly and see the many 
persecutions to which her attendants were 
exposed. It was not possible for her to take 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 159 

any successful step in their favor, to afford 
them any essential help. She came very little 
in contact with her husband or her children ; 
and if a stranger wished to visit her, it was 
only with hesitation that the request was per- 
mitted to her or the princesses. From time 
to time she received a consolatory or admon- 
itory letter from Calvin, who always sub- 
scribed himself with the pseudonym, Charles 
d'Espeville. In almost every line of his let- 
ters he expressed his anxiety that the duchess 
was not strong enough to remain faithful to 
the Protestant doctrines in the midst of the 
severe trials which she had to sustain. Cal- 
vin found, however, no further reason to re- 
proach Renata for her fickleness or for with- 
drawing her attachment from the Reformation. 

On this point, a letter of the 20th of June, 
1558, is worthy of notice. We read in it: 

"Worthy lady, — I feel compelled to thank 
the Lord that the man whom I sent you for 
your service has acquitted himself nobly, and 



l60 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

that you are satisfied with him. I hope that 
his labors will contribute toward conducting you 
farther on the way of salvation. Since, how- 
ever, it is not possible for him to stand any 
longer by your side, I pray you most earnestly 
to let yourself be instructed daily in the school 
of the Lord Jesus Christ. You know that 
this is necessary, especially since the devil has 
brought upon you so many sorrows, and has 
tried to lead you away from the right path. 
Since you must resist all the wiles which this 
enemy of salvation places in your path, you 
must, at the same time, remember that God 
has used these means in order to try your 
faith. If you have doubting moments, take 
refuge in Him who has promised that all who 
trust in him shall be as a tree which has living 
roots, which are never dry, no matter what 
heat it may have to endure ; for it is certain 
that God v/ill never suffer us to be tempted 
beyond our strength ; and if he allows Satan 
to have dominion for a time, he will also 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, l6l 

increase our strength that we may be enabled 
to overcome all difficulties. It is good and 
even useful to know our weaknesses ; not to 
become careless on account of them, however, 
but in order to seek more diligently the right 
means of salvation. 

" Therefore, worthy lady, while you believe 
that the enemy, notwithstanding all his en- 
deavors, can do nothing without God's per- 
mission, do not become weary of fighting 
against all temptations ; and when weapons 
are necessary to you, take refuge in the Lord, 
who is strong enough to strengthen you. Ex- 
ercise yourself in godly admonitions, and, as I 
have already said, do not despise the necessity 
of having about you. a person who daily en- 
courages you to good deeds. You have already 
experienced how necessary this means of grace 
has become. 

**If you commission me to seek you some 

one who would be suitable, I would do my 

best to fulfill your wish. Only take courage, 

II 



1 62 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

and do not give Satan the advantage of taking 
you unprepared. 

"I have also heard that you are not without 
thorns in your house. This misfortune must 
be subdued with the others ; and however 
much danger there is that those who will not 
accommodate themselves to your regulations, 
but remain stubborn, will revenge themselves 
by calumny and suspicion when they are dis- 
charged, still, it is better to undergo this dan- 
ger at one blow than to languish continually 
under it. The principal thing is for you to 
ask God to purify your heart, as he commands, 
and as you find the example of David in the 
one hundred and first Psalm. If you present 
your soul pure and adorned before so good a 
King, you may be assured that he will be the 
protector of it. It matters not how much we 
exert ourselves, we shall always have imperfec- 
tions, and for that reason it becomes you all 
the more to be strong, in order to come at 
least half-way to. the end. And we have this 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 163 

privilege: if we strive to reach the end, God 
accepts the will for the deed." 

Other cares pressed on the heart of the 
much tried sufferer. The money which was 
due her from France did not arrive regularly, 
or was sometimes intentionally withheld. In 
the year 1557, Renata thanked the Constable 
de Montmorency for having received, through 
him, her annuity for two years. From another 
letter, to her attorney at Paris, in the year 
1558, we perceive that she claimed, in part, 
the annuities of four years. In the mean 
time she may have been subject to embarrass- 
ment and want. 

A perfect reconciliation with her husband 
never took place ; but we need not be surprised 
at this state of things, since the manner of 
the duke's life was ill calculated to win back 
the affection of his wife. He presented, how- 
ever, the beautiful Castle of Belriguardo to 
her, a year before his death, on the condition 
that she should live and die a good Catholic. 



1 64 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

She refused with scorn this reward of Judas, 
as her later life proves. 

Another sorrow constantly gnawed at her 
heart. Her eldest son, Alphonso, had, for sev- 
eral years, been on bad terms with his father. 
In May, 155 1, he left his father's castle, and 
even Italy, and went to France. The sup- 
posed cause of their trouble was, that Al- 
phonso could not agree with his father in 
breaking off friendly relations with the French 
and joining the opposite party. In 1557, the 
Duke of Guise came to Italy with an army, 
for the purpose of compelling Ferrara to join 
the alliance between France and the Pope. 
Alphonso then returned home, and an appar- 
ent reconciliation took place between the 
father and the son. Their hearts' remained 
estranged, however, and Alphonso went once 
more to France. 

The duke was now approaching his end. 
His constitution, once so strong, had become 
weakened in consequence of his excesses. 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 6$ 

Renata forgot the past, as far as it were pos- 
sible, and affectionately watched by the bed- 
side of her. husband. Here, however, her 
weak and yielding heart once more partly led 
her astray, which afterward wrung from her 
many a tear of penitence. Her husband en- 
deavored to draw from her the promise .that 
she would break off all immediate relations, 
and, therefore, all correspondence, with Calvin. 
She did not think at the moment of the full 
extent of this promise, and actually consented 
to it. The duke died on the 3d of October, 
1559, and Renata assumed the government 
of affairs in the name of her absent son. 
Was the sky now to be clear for the rest of 
her life.^ Had the storm passed away, and 
the black clouds utterly vanished } Perhaps 
Renata thought so. But a calm consideration 
of her circumstances and a glance at the state 
of Italy shortly deprived her of this gleam of 
sunshine. She considered it best to go to 
France the following year, and there reside. 



1 66 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

Calvin was not acquainted with this inten- 
tion. He wrote to her on the 5 th of July, 
1560. In the introduction of his letter he 
complained that he had received no reliable 
news from her, and that he was not willing to 
rely fully upon the information which he re- 
ceive^d from messengers, fearing their object 
might be to deceive him, in order to entrap 
him into expressions which would prove disad- 
vantageous to her. He then continued : 

" You have done a great wrong, and offended 
God by your promise. You are, therefore, 
not bound to hold it, no more than you are 
bound to hold the vow of superstition. You 
know that Herod has acquired no praise be- 
cause he fulfilled his too hasty oath, but that 
this will be accounted to him as double con- 
demnation. I do not say this in order to 
compel you to write to me, but in order that 
you may have no conscientious scruples about 
a matter in which God has allowed you free- 
dom. As to the thing itself which you wish 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 6/ 

to undertake, I can not conceal from you, no 
matter how severe and oppressive the impris- 
onment in which you have been held, that it 
does not appear to me any great advantage if 
one flee from one pit to fall into another, for 
I do not see how this change could improve 
your position. The Government into which 
certain persons would like to see you drawn, 
is at the present time in such a state of con- 
fusion that all the world rises against it. I 
believe if you were allowed to take a real 
part in it, and people would listen to you, 
matters would take a better course. But that 
is not what they have in view. . . . They 
only make use of your name in order to in- 
crease the misery which is already intolerable ; 
and if you cast yourself at this time into this 
net, you will certainly be tempting God. 

*' I wish you much happiness, worthy lady — 
as much as it is possible for me to wish 
you ; but if the grandeur and elevation of 
this world prevent you from drawing near to 



1 68 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

God, I should be a deceiver if I tried to 
make you believe that white were black. If 
you were more firm in holding yourself inde- 
pendent, and were of a still greater steadfast- 
ness of mind, I would pray to God that he 
would place you higher than men are dis- 
posed to place you. But if you will say 
'Amen* to all that is worthy of Divine and 
human condemnation, you might well fear lest 
you fall from one misfortune into a deeper 
one. I will not advise you to remain in the 
bondage in which you now are, or that you 
slumber in it. 

"The reason for my appeal is, that you 
might place yourself in a position where you 
can serve God with a full consciousness of 
his cause, and go straight to the end, and not 
become entangled in nets from which you 
would hardly be able to free yourself. What- 
ever the result be, you have now languished 
at least long enough, and if you do not soon 
have compassion on yourself, it is to be feared 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 169 

that it will be too late for you to seek a means 
of salvation. God has for a long time in- 
structed you by his Word, and age now re- 
minds you to consider that our inheritance 
and eternal rest are not to be found on earth, 
and that Jesus Christ is well worthy of our 
forgetting both France and Ferrara for his 
sake. Widowhood has now given you free- 
dom to devote yourself entirely to the Lord. 
O, that I could only place before you the 
matter as it really stands, and not only once, 
but day by day. But I must leave you to 
meditate wisely on the matters concerning 
which I have written." 

Renata would not allow herself to be turned 
aside from carrying out her plans. All Fer- 
rara mourned her departure; especially the 
poor knew what they lost in a princess, who, 
even in sorrow, did not weary of doing as 
much good as she could. 

Before we accompany her to France, it is 
necessary for us to answer a question which 



I/O REN ATA OF ESTE, 

many readers may have asked themselves: 
What has become of Olympia Morata ? Her 
removal from the ducal court produced a total 
change in her life, and one that was any thing 
but pleasant. She was reduced from affluence 
and superfluity to moderate circumstances — we 
may say, to actual want. A delicate mother, 
three sisters not yet of age, and a little brother, 
claimed her affectionate labors. This tender 
maiden, who had formerly devoted herself al- 
most entirely to study, and had been waited on 
by courtiers, managed her household affairs, 
like the busy Martha, as if she had been ac- 
customed to it from her youth. Besides this, 
she educated her sisters and brother carefully 
in the Protestant doctrines. 

This change had a beneficial effect on the 
salvation of her soul. Formerly, in her zeal 
for scientific studies, she had lost sight of the 
one thing needful. In regard to this subject, 
she expressed herself in the following manner: 
*' O, how much I needed trial ! I had no taste 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 71 

for godly things. The perusal of the Old and 
New Testaments only imbued me with repug- 
nance. If I had remained longer at court, it 
would have been the ruin of my eternal salva- 
tion.*' She was almost totally alienated from 
the ducal family. She remxained on intimate 
terms only with the Princess Lavinia de Ro- 
vero, who was married to Paolo Orsino. These 
friends continued a correspondence until the 
close of their life. 

Olympia found still another friend in need. 
This was a German, Andreas Grunthler, of 
Schweinfurt-on-the-Main. He was well versed 
in classical literature, and had acquired a no 
less extended knowledge of medicine. He had 
become acquainted with the Morata family 
through the brothers Sinapi. How could he 
see Olympia, who was one of the most beau- 
tiful of her sex, to say nothing of her mental 
charms, without loving her t The misfortunes 
which had befallen the family was a still 
stronger magnet, whose attractive power he 



172 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

could not withstand. The marriage of Andreas 
Grunthler with Olympia was celebrated in 
December of the year 1550. The future, how- 
ever, of the newly wedded couple was envel- 
oped in lowering clouds. Grunthler hoped to 
get a position as Professor of Medicine in 
Germany. He, therefore, returned to his native 
• town, but could not send pleasing intelligence 
of certain employment as soon as he wished. 
Olympia became melancholy, and thus ex- 
pressed herself in a letter to him : " I pass my 
days in tears, and nowhere find any alleviation 
of my pain, except in constant prayer to Him 
from whom alone all help comes.'' Grunthler 
had met with an honorable reception in Ger- 
many, . especially in Augsburg, and had re- 
ceived favorable promises for the future. The 
state of politics, however, which was then so 
disturbed and threatened only danger, pre- 
vented his appointment. Nevertheless, he 
brought his wife from Italy; and for a long 
time they lived as welcome guests at Augs- 



DIVINE VISITATIONS, 173 

burg, in the house of the wealthy Fugger fam- 
ily, and, later, in that of the Imperial Counselor 
Hermann. After some time, Grunthler's serv- 
ices as physician were required in his native 
city ; for it was to receive a large garrison. In 
October, 1551, he removed thither, and for some 
time his stay was happy and full of promise. 

He found there persons of similar opinions 
to his own, who formed a close friendship with 
his family, and who often convened for the 
purpose of reading the Scriptures and various 
religious works; but there appeared a still 
better prospect for the family of Grunthler 
when he was called to a professorship in the 
University of Linz. He did not accept it, 
however, for the reason that he and his wife 
were not assured that they would be free to 
hold their Protestant opinions. Olympia con- 
tinually occupied herself more and more with 
the Holy Scriptures, and, among her other 
employments, made excellent Greek transla- 
tions of many of the Psalms. 



1/4 RENATA OF ESTE, 

In April, 1553, a fearful time began for 
Schweinfurt and its inhabitants. The town 
was besieged by Albrecht of Brandenburg, 
and finally captured. Famine and pestilence 
had raged within the town during the siege. 
Grunthler was occupied from morning until 
night, until he was seized with sickness him- 
self By the devoted care of his wife, he 
recovered without the aid of a physician. 
After the capitulation, Albrecht perpetrated 
the most inhuman barbarities. An unknown 
person offered to help Grunthler and his wife 
to escape. At first they were recaptured ; 
but Olympia spoke in such persuasive terms 
to the soldiers that they were set at liberty. 

It was only after the most severe hardships 
and privations that the fugitives arrived at 
Hammelburg; and here they could only find 
shelter for one night, for the inhabitants were 
in such great fear of the conqueror. In an- 
other place they were imprisoned, and the 
sword of Damocles huno^ over their heads. 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 175 

Fortunately, the command of the bishop soon 
procured their liberty. They wandered far- 
ther, as beggars, until the Lord took compas- 
sion on them ; and, at the court of Count 
Eberhard of Erbach, He pointed them a place 
where they could lay their heads. 

They lost much property ; but the most 
important of all was the magnificent library 
of her father, which Olympia, at much ex- 
pense, had been influential in bringing with 
her to Germany. Neither was there any 
hope that the manuscripts of Olympia could 
ever be restored. The delicate woman was 
attacked with a severe illness, in consequence 
of these losses and her many sufferings. The 
Countess of Erbach, a daughter of the Elector 
of the Palatinate, assumed the full care of the 
patient. The Protestant faith of the two un- 
fortunate ones found sympathy and support in 
the court of the count. Every day the count 
assembled the members of his family and his 
domestics, and read to them from the Bible 



1/6 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

and prayed with them. Grunthler, through 
the influence of the count, was called to Hei- 
delberg University as professor. Although 
they were still poor themselves, Olympia 
thought of their companions in misfortune at 
Schweinfurt, and exerted herself in procuring 
support for them. 

Her mind was also directed sympathetically 
toward Italy. She begged of her country- 
man, the former Bishop Vergerio, to translate 
Luther's Catechism into Italian, and to dis- 
tribute it as widely as possible. She was not 
willing, notwithstanding all persecution, to 
give up the hope that the Gospel would yet 
take root in her native land; but the news 
which she continually heard from there almost 
discouraged her. About this time she wrote , 
as follows to an acquaintance : " The letters 
which I have recently received from Italy in- 
form me, unfortunately, that the Christians of 
Ferrara have been subjected to the most cruel 
persecution. The nobility and peasantry are 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 177 

martyred alike. Some are thrown into prison, 
and others are driven from the country, while 
the remainder find safety only in flight. My 
mother remains firm in the midst of the rag- 
ing storm. Still I can praise God, and say, 
^To Him alone be the glory T I beseech you 
to leave that Babel, with my sisters, and come 
to me in this country." 

The vacillation of Renata affected her very 
much. She thus expressed herself concerning 
it, in a letter to Vergerio: *'The intelligence 
which you have given me in regard to the 
Duchess of Ferrara had reached me already, 
in the month of December, by a letter from a 
pious person of the town. I was much grieved 
at the fall of the princess, whom I knew in 
former times ; but it did not astonish me." 

Olympiads house in Heidelberg was sought 
by native and foreign scholars. Through the 
liberality of certain book-sellers, she again 
acquired a considerable library. She thus ex- 
pressed her state of mind in her last letter to 
12 



178 RENATA OF ESTE, 

Lavinia: *' Believe me," she wrote, "there is 
no one in the world who is not exposed to all 
manner of suffering, if he tries to live a godly 
life in this world; but we can not escape the 
snares which Satan has laid for us on all sides. 
May the Word of God, therefore, be the rule 
of your conduct and a light to your path! 
Fear God, and do not place a high estimate 
on this mortal nature, whose existence is like 
a dream, like grass that withers and a smoke 
that passes away! War is spreading its hor- 
rors here, and Christians are exposed to a 
thousand tribulations ; but trials must bring 
to them the fullness of their joy." 

Olympia did not conceal the fact that death 
was near her; and it grieves us to know that 
the evening of her short life was not to be 
without its sorrows. In the Summer of 1555, 
the plague raged in Heidelberg. Grunthler 
could not, on account of his duties as a phy- 
sician, devote the care to his sick wife which 
she really needed. She manifested a truly 



DIVINE VISITATIONS. 1 79 

Christian spirit until her last breath. She 
wrote once more to Curione: "My powers 
are exhausted. I do not enjoy food any more. 
I am in danger of being suffocated by a cough 
day and night ; but, until my last sigh, I will 
think of all those whom I have loved. Do 
not be sorrowful at the news of my death. I 
know that the crown of righteousness is pre- 
served for me, and I long to depart and be 
with Christ." 

The longing was terminated. Olympia died 
on the 26th of October, 1555, before she had 
attained her twenty-ninth year. Her husband 
said, after her death: "Never have I known a 
truer and purer soul ! No, never did so much 
greatness of a human soul, so much purity 
and grace beam upon this earth 1" 




VI. 

RENATA'S RETURN TO FRANCE— HER HAPPY 
DEATH. 



i'MM 



EN AT A had hoped, after the death 
of her husband, to be able to profess 
her faith more freely. But her son 
declared to her, after he had had a conference 
with the Pope, that she must either renounce 
her faith or leave his country. She did not 
hesitate long in making the choice ; and, pain- 
ful as it was for her to separate from her chil- 
dren, she left Ferrara in September, 1560, 
after she had lived there twenty-two years, 
through sunshine and gloom. Her departure 
was deplored by all the inhabitants, and es- 
pecially by the poor, by whom she was held 
180 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEATH. i8l 

in grateful remembrance. The mother tore 
herself from the arms of her daughters, weep- 
ing profusely. She may also have uttered 
words of admonition to them ; but, in regard 
to religion, she only dared express herself 
with the greatest caution. What rendered 
her departure the most heart-rending, was the 
thought that she was banished by her own 
son; and yet she could not forget him who 
had always been so near her heart. Where 
should the banished Renata go 1 

We know that she wished once more to 
visit her beloved native land ; and she was 
not dissuaded from carrying out her purpose 
by the well-meant warning of her pastoral 
advisor. Had, perhaps, the state of things in 
France changed, so that the reasons for which 
Calvin advised her against going there were 
now void } Were Protestants now allowed to 
live there undisturbed 1 Or dared Renata cal- 
culate that, through her influence, her com- 
panions in faith would gain the desired free- 



1 82 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

dom of conscience and religion ? Was at least 
her daughter Anne pervaded by such a spirit 
that she could seek her with perfect confi- 
dence ? Dared she promise herself -a specially 
favorable reception at the royal court ? She 
found the latter alone to be the case. All the 
members of the royal family extended to her a 
friendly hand, and showed her all the respect 
that was due her elevated station. They 
proved, whenever an opportunity offered, that 
they wished to respect and treat her as their 
near relative. Renata received the adminis- 
tration of the Government of Chartres and 
other territories ; and since many persons 
sought to place obstacles in her way, King 
Charles IX determined to remove them. 

In regard to the religious movements in 
France, however, scarcely any change for the 
better had occurred. The persecution of the 
Protestants had continued almost without in- 
terruption since the death of Francis I, in 
1547. His son and successor, Henry II, 



RETURN TO FRANCES-DEATH. 1 83 

showed, on his solemn entrance into Paris, 
what the friends of ecclesiastical reform had 
to expect from him. He wished to afford for 
himself and his followers, besides other festiv- 
ities, the spectacle of a burning of heretics. 
He, therefore, took a number of persons out 
of the prisons, and commanded that they 
should be distributed into different parts of 
the city, and there burned to death. The 
king passed by, and heard the sighs and 
groans of the martyrs, but without being 
moved to compassion. 

In the notorious edict of Chateaubriand, of 
155 1, the most severe measures were com- 
manded to be taken against the heretics. 
Whoever fled from France in order to escape 
these oppressions, had his property confis- 
cated, and no one dared, on pain of severe 
punishment, send money or letters to the 
fugitives. But, notwithstanding this oppres- 
sion and persecution, the doctrines of the Ref- 
ormation continually spread more and more. 



184 RENATA OP ESTE. 

There were, in the entire kingdom, about 
eleven hundred smaller or larger societies, 
with about one million and a half members. 
They maintained the most scrupulous purity 
of morals. They declared themselves the 
enemies of the luxuries, excesses, and follies 
of the world. They permitted no dancing at 
their entertainments, and, instead of immoral 
songs, they were heard singing psalms. 

Whoever did not become better after receiv- 
ing admonition and correction, was dismissed 
from the society. These Reformers, however, 
notwithstanding their praiseworthy qualities, 
could obtain neither recognition nor toleration. 
Almost every year new and stricter measures 
were employed against them. When the 
French lost the battle of St. Quentin, against 
the Spaniards, in 1557, it was said, "We have 
not been zealous enough for the honor of God ; 
therefore he has avenged himself by this de- 
feat." 

In September, 1557, the Protestants of 



RETURN TO FRANCES-DEATH, 185 

Paris, numbering from three to four hundred, 
were convened together in a house which 
stood by itself in the Rue d'e Jacque. They 
were there assailed by a furious mob, which 
had been instigated by a fanatic, and were 
treated in the most cruel manner. No investi- 
gation or punishment of the guilty parties fol- 
lowed ; on the contrary, no judge dared to 
venture, if Protestants were indicted, to de- 
clare himself for liberation, or even for a mild 
sentence ; if he did, he was in danger of being 
placed on the culprit's bench himself In the 
year 1559, the Parliamentary Counselor Du 
Bourg was beheaded, for no other reason than 
because he had disapproved of the condemna- 
tion of the Protestant Christians. 

Henry II died in 1559, in consequence of a 
lance-wound received in a tournament. The 
affairs of Government remained very much 
the same after his death as before. During 
the reign of his successor, Francis II, who 
was yet a minor, the Guises, those irreconcil- 



1 86 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

able enemies of the Gospel, were able to 
obtain the most important offices of the State, 
and to make sure their influence in the gov- 
ernment of the country. Two of six brothers 
who bore this name deserve special mention-^- 
Cardinal Charles de Lorraine, Archbishop of 
Rheims, and Francis de Guise, son-in-law of 
Renata. It has been said, and not without 
reason, had it not been for these two brothers, 
the Protestant doctrines would have gained 
the victory in France. 

At their instigation there was a "burning- 
chamber" instituted in all higher courts of 
justice. This was a special department, whose 
task it was to condemn heretics without com- 
passion. Every conceivable method was em- 
ployed to influence the hatred of the people 
against the Protestants. We still meet with 
pictures of that time, in which the Protestants 
are represented as armed, murdering priests, 
women, children, and old men. Just such 
pictures were hung up in public places, and 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEATH. 1 87 

explained to the gaping mob. Here and there 
images of the Virgin were set up, in order 
that the Catholic oppressors might have an 
opportunity of seeing who paid homage to 
them and who did not. Woe to those who 
passed by without uncovering the head and 
putting a coin in the box for the purchase of 
wax candles ! He was immediately exposed 
to the ill-treatment of the mob. 

The Guises, who were regarded as the chief 
promoters of fanaticism, became more and 
more odious to the Reformers. A conspiracy 
was formed for their overthrow, which took its 
name from Amboise. When the design was 
discovered, the. cardinal proceeded with the 
utmost severity against his enemies, so that 
twelve hundred persons lost their lives. But 
many eminent and influential persons were on 
the side of the Protestants. Among them 
were the two brother Coligny, or Chatillon ; 
namely. Admiral Gaspard Coligny, a man of 
the noblest principles and tested valor, and 



1 88 RENATA OF ESTE, 

his brother Francis, commonly called Mon- 
sieur d'Andelot, but by the soldiers, "the 
knight without fear or reproach." He was the 
means of having the Gospel preached in his 
neighborhood with still more publicity than 
his brother; and when the king once took 
him to task because of his Protestant opin- 
ions, he replied : " Leave my conscience in 
peace ; that belongs to me. My body and 
my talents are devoted to you and your 
service." 

What was of still greater importance to the 
Protestants, was that the Bourbon brothers 
stood on their side. Anton, the elder of the 
two, had married Jeanne d'Albret, the daugh- 
ter of Marguerite de Valois, and by this mar- 
riage became King of Navarre. His character 
was of a hesitating nature. For a long time, 
he remained in doubt between the Protestant 
and Catholic doctrines. He was, however, for 
a short time, through the influence of his wife, 
won over to the former ; but, later, he again 



RETURN TO FRANCE—DEATH, 1 89 

submitted to Catholic proselytism. His wife 
was more steadfast than he, as is proved cir- 
cumstantially in the account of her life. 

Anton's brother, Louis de Conde, had a 
more vigorous spirit and a more manly char- 
acter, and was of all the more importance to 
the Protestant party on account of the attach- 
ment of the soldiers to him. The Guises 
were only too glad to put him out of the way. 
They accused him of being the chief instigator 
of the Amboise conspiracy, and succeeded in 
having him imprisoned. 

We see, therefore, that Renata went right 
into the midst of the conflict when she pro- 
ceeded to France. She could not expect any 
decided and courageous support of the Prot- 
estants from her daughter. From early child- 
hood she had imbibed, more than any of her 
sisters or brothers, Protestant doctrines, and 
she was looked upon in France as a woman 
of Reformed opinions. It is very easy for us 
to see, from the peculiarities of her position, 



190 REN AT A OF ESTE, 

that she could exercise no influence over her 
husband in favor of her companions in faith. 
It seems strange that she had ceased all con- 
nection with Olympia Morata, the friend of 
her youth. When Olympia heard of the op- 
pression to which the Protestant Christians 
were subjected in France, she wrote the fol- 
lowing letter to her, dated June i, 1555 : 

" Illustrious Princess ! Although the dis- 
tance is great which has separated us for 
so many years, the remembrance of you is 
ever present to my mind. I have often 
thought of writing to you, but for various 
reasons I have not ventured to do so, until 
the opportunity of to-day offered itself When 
a learned and God-fearing man came to Heidel- 
berg to visit us, there was nothing that I was 
so anxious to do as to ask for information 
concerning you. He promised, if it were pos- 
sible, to have this letter delivered into your 
hands, and I did not hesitate to trust it to 
him, in the hope that you might read it with 



RE TURN TO FRANCE— DEA TH, 1 9 1 

pleasure, because it came from one who was 
formerly the companion of your studies. You 
know with what sweet confidence we lived 
together in those years; and, although you 
were my social superior, we were united by 
literary labors and afl&nity of tastes and senti- 
ments. The remembrance of all this will not 
allow our friendship to become cold ; at least I 
know, and the Lord is my witness, that, not- 
withstanding distance, I should be ready to 
give every proof of love, to serve you in any 
respect, whether by words of comfort or other- 
wise. That I may be able to do this is a 
favor which I implore God to bestow upon 
me. I have no longings for court-life again. 
My most ardent wish is to know that you 
devote yourself to the study of the Scriptures, 
which can alone preserve you in communion 
with God and console you under the tempta- 
tions of this world. For me there is no 
other comfort or enjoyment. Since the time 
that I was delivered from the depths of Italian 



192 RENATA OF ESTE. 

idolatry by the paternal guidance of Providence, 
and accompanied my husband to Germany, 
my soul has undergone a change which will 
appear incredible to you. Formerly, the read- 
ing of the Word of God filled me with aver- 
sion ; now it is my joy and almost continual 
occupation. Riches, honor, and pleasure, on 
which I formerly placed so much value, I do 
not now regard as worthy of thought. O, 
dear Princess, that I could only direct your 
attention to this object ! Nothing on earth is 
durable. Every thing fails, every thing passes 
away, and we are called, as the poet says, 

* To tread the path of death.' 

This decisive moment is not far distant ; time 
is transient, and neither riches nor power nor 
the favor of kings can save us ; faith in Jesus 
Christ alone can preserve us from condemna- 
tion and eternal death. This faith is a gift 
of God, which we must seek from him by 
prayer. For of what assistance will it be to 



% 



RE TURN TO FRANCE— DBA TH. 193 

US to know the history of Christ, if we do not 

possess a faith made active through love, which 

alone gives us strength to confess Christ in the 

midst of his enemies, remembering the Divine 

words, * Whosoever, therefore, shall confess 

me before men, him will I also confess before 

my Father which is in heaven ?* 

" The martyrs were witnesses of the faith, 

and the Church would not number any of 

them in its ranks if they had concealed their 

faith from the world. And you, dear Princess, 

to whom the Lord has vouchsafed the grace 

of manifesting his truth, can you doubt the 

innocence of men who are daily condemned to 

be burned, and who suffer such tortures for 

the sake of the Gospel of Christ ? It is your 

duty to intercede for them, to mediate with 

the king for them, and pray for their pardon. 

If you remain quiet, if you allow them to 

suffer and die undefended, you make yourself 

accessory to their persecution. 

"I know well that your defense of these 
13 



194 RENATA OF ESTE, 

unfortunate people will invoke upon you the 
ill-favor of the king, the displeasure of your 
husband, and the hatred of your opponents ; 
but I know also that it is better to prefer the 
enmity of men to the anger of God, who can 
not only kill the body, but condemn the soul 
to everlasting fire. *If God is for us, who 
can be against us V This great thought 
should always be present in your mind. O, 
how happy I should be to know that the 
desire for true piety and the favor of God 
alone filled your heart! 

" Remember that you yourself are mortal, 
and I beg you to close your ear to those who 
say to you, ' Life is short ; let us, therefore, 
follow the desire of our hearts and enjoy the 
pleasures of the world !' O, rather listen to 
the words of St. Paul: 'For they that are 
after the flesh do mind the things of the 
flesh, ... for to be carn5.11y-minded is 
death, ... for if ye live after the flesh 
ye shall die.' If my letter were pleasant to 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEATH, 195 

you, I would write more circumstantially on 
this subject. I would also supply you with 
Christian books, if you wish to become in- 
structed in the school of Christ. Profound 
emotion compels me to say this to you. I 
wish you to participate in the eternal bless- 
ings of God's kingdom, to whose glory he 
has called me." 

In all probability this letter remained unan- 
swered ; at least, nothing is known concerning 
a reply. This silence, as well as the contents 
of the letter, throw considerable light on the 
opinions and the relations of Anna. She 
may have been of service to some few of the 
persecuted ones, but generally she effected 
very little for the welfare of the Protestants. 
Renata had some hope that she herself would 
be able to afford assistance to her fellow- 
believers ; she indulged the hope, at least, of 
being allowed to live undisturbed in the en- 
joyment of her religious convictions. She 
arrived in France just as the contest between 



196 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

the Guises and the Bourbons broke into a 
flame. Prince Conde was in prison, and con- 
demned to death. Renata showed on this 
occasion that she intended to profess her 
faith openly, and without fear of men. She 
did not hesitate to express without reserve 
her deep displeasure at what had taken place. 
*'Had I been in France,'* she said to her 
son-in-law, " such things would not have oc- 
curred. But care had better be taken for the 
future. The wound will not bleed long, for 
no one outrages the royal blood of France 
unpunished.'' 

After the death of King Francis II, on the 
5th of December, 1560, Anton de Navarre 
became regent of France for a short time. 
The queen dowager, however, Catherine de 
Medicis, held, in reality, the reins of State. 
The power of the Guises was, in some meas- 
ure, broken. Conde was set at liberty, and a 
new ray of hope for the Protestant Chris- 
tians relieved a little the dark night of their 



RETURN TO FRANCE-— DEATH. 197 

sorrows. A new life seemed to dawn in the 
societies, for they were once more able to 
breathe with a little freedom. New members 
united daily with the little group of believers. 
Renata not only proved in her own person 
that she was a true believer in the Gospel, 
but she also collected a small congregation 
around her, and, at her request, a Protestant 
pastor was sent to her from Geneva. 

She was in constant communication with 
the most eminent professors. She went to 
Admiral Coligny for advice whenever she 
needed it. She was united in friendship and 
love with women of Protestant inclinations, 
such as Madame de Coligny, Madame de 
Roye, with the mother-in-law of Conde, and 
espiecially with Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of 
Navarre. She was hoping that the latter 
would favor the Gospel, as her mother, Mar- 
guerite de Valois, had done, and by their 
united efforts they would be enabled to ad- 
vance the Protestant doctrines. Renata took 



198 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

up her permanent residence at Montargis, a 
small town with a castle, in the neighborhood 
of Orleans. Here, as well as in other places 
where she resided temporarily, she had the 
Protestant service performed. - She used every 
means to guide her ser\'ants in a moral and 
religious path; and, although she sought, by 
w^ord and example, to win them to the Prot- 
estant faith, she exercised no compulsion. 
She was ver}' liberal in the gi^^ng of alms, 
never losing sight of the proverb, "Let us do 
good unto all men, especially unto them who 
are of the household of faith." 

On the i6th of January, 1561, Calvdn, who 
had watched her movements closely as possi- 
ble, wrote to her : " Worthy lady, — How much 
reason I have to thank God for continuing to 
keep you in his fear and obedience! Since 
experience shows how much cause you have 
to proceed, I hope that you will take it kindly 
if, in anxious desire for the salvation of your 
soul, I endeavor to assist you; for I know 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEATH. 199 

that you like to be instructed, and to be 
reminded of your duty, and that you receive 
with gladness what you consider as coming 
from God. It is not necessary for me to 
specify all the difficulties which can restrain 
or divert you from serving God, since you 
know them only too well/* 

He further besought her imploringly to 
continue to comfort and strengthen her fel- 
low-Christians, as she had commenced; for 
this was a service which was well pleasing to 
the Lord. As a wanderer quickens his pace 
as night approaches, so it behooved Renata 
to remember that old age was near, and that 
she must work more industriously, in order to 
leave a good memory behind her, but still 
more to present a good testimony before God 
and the angels. 

From this time until her death, Renata 
professed her Protestant opinions on every 
suitable occasion. She was present at the 
Religious Conference, at Poissy, in 1561, 



200 RENATA OF ESTE. 

where the Reformers, under the lead of The- 
odore Beza, with heroic courage drew up and 
defended their Confession of Faith. She was 
not in a position, however, to procure freedom 
of faith and worship, nor could she prevent 
the soil of France, for almost thirty years, 
from being drenched with the blood of its 
children by a religious intemecene war, caus- 
ing unutterable miser}^ 

But, while they took little heed of her 
prayers and warnings, she never allowed her- 
self to be induced, by the entreaties and 
threats of her Catholic relations and others, 
to deny her faith. She withdrew more and 
more from them, in order to worship God un- 
disturbed, according to her con\4ctions. She 
positively refused to accede to the demand to 
remove her Protestant preacher from her pres- 
ence, and still more decidedly to the require- 
ment that she should become a Catholic. 

She was threatened wdth confinement in 
a cloister, if she did not yield; but she 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEATH, 201 

remained immovable. Perhaps she thought 
that the threat would not be carried into exe- 
cution. She could, in such a case, rely upon 
her daughter, with whom she was always on 
good terms. She was allowed, although not 
willingly, to have a Protestant pastor in her 
immediate neighborhood ; but Calvin and Beza 
were positively forbidden visiting her. The 
sorrows of her companions in faith gave her 
indescribable sadness. 

Her son-in-law, Francis de Guise, was 
seized on a journey to Paris, where he was 
going for the purpose of breaking the influ- 
ence of the Bourbons, which was already on 
the decline. Accompanied by an escort of 
two hundred cavalry, he arrived in the neigh- 
borhood of the small town of Vassy just as 
the bells were sounding for Protestant serv- 
ice. On hearing them, he exclaimed, *'By 
the devil, I will alter this !" On the follow- 
ing day, he entered the town, with twenty 
horsemen and bowmen, and commanded the 



202 REN A TA OF ESTE. 



chief magistrate and the leading ecclesiastic 
to appear before him, both of whom were 
decided enemies of the Reformers. The lat- 
ter, in the mean time, had assembled in a 
barn for the worship of God/ Suddenly some 
soldiers of the duke appeared at the door and 
demanded admittance. They were refused ad- 
mission ; and, when they attempted to gain an 
entrance by force, there was a hand-to-hand 
contest. The Duke of Guise soon approached, 
and, in the struggle, was wounded by a stone. 
From that time the soldiers knew no forbear- 
ance. Nearly sixty persons were killed, and 
many others wounded. What must have been 
Renata's feelings during this butchery.? Yet 
she was compelled to endure and remain silent. 
Soon after this occurrence, Calvin wrote to 
her that, since she had a person in her house 
who was fitted to exhort and strengthen her, 
it was not necessary for him to do it so often. 
He complained bitterly of the conduct of the 
daughter of Renata, who had drawn upon her- 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEATH, 203 

self the universal displeasure of the Protest- 
ants, because she did not hinder her husband 
from his bloody persecutions of them. ** I say 
this to you candidly," he continued, "in order 
that you may wisely consider what means can 
be used to prevent your daughter Anna from 
co-operating with those who intend to annihi- 
late the true religion." 

In those evil and troublous times, Renata 
could do nothing but open the doors of Mont- 
argis to the persecuted Huguenots, and afford 
assistance and safety to those who came to 
her. Even Calvin, that strict and undaunted 
judge of the frailties of great and small, could 
not refrain from expressing to the duchess his 
acknowledgment of her firmness of faith and 
her active love toward her persecuted fellow- 
Christians. He said, in a letter to her: ''I 
know, worthy lady, how much God has 
strengthened you during the violent storm, 
and that you have firmly withstood all temp- 
tations, and have not been afraid of bearing 



204 RENATA OF ESTE. 

the cross of Christ. More than this, I know 
you have received as a mother the poor exiles 
who have come to you. I know many princes 
vi^ould have taken it as an offense if one had 
called their castle a ' hospital of God ;' but I 
know no way of showing you greater respect 
than by using the term, and, in this manner, 
of acknowledging the human kindness with 
which you have received the children of God.'* 
In conclusion, Calvin interceded for the daugh- 
ter of a former Professor of the Greek Lan- 
guage at Ferrara, who now lived in banishment 
at Geneva, and whose income was so small that 
he was not able to live without the assistance 
of his friends. Renata promised to aid, as far 
as possible, the professor s daughter. 

The little community at Montargis exhibited 
a healthy Christian life, even under the most 
untoward circumstances. Ecclesiastical disci- 
pline was strictly observed, and the pastor, 
Francis Morel, took watchful care that no one 
interfered to hinder the good work. Even the 



RETURN TO FRANCE—DEATH, 205 

duchess, who was the stay of the whole com- 
munity, was obliged to carry out all of his 
wishes. Morel thought, however, that he had 
sufficient reasons for complaint. Calvin, there- 
fore, wrote to her: "Since God has led you 
back, worthy lady, to your city [Renata had 
been in Paris a short time before], it behooves 
you to double your care for the regulation of 
your subjects, and even of your own house- 
hold. I therefore pray you to be firm in main- 
taining a good police for the suppression of 
vice and scandal. I do not mean any secular 
police arrangement, but the official punish- 
ment of the consistory. . . . Especially 
must no one, no matter who he may be, in 
what position he may stand, or how much re- 
spected he may be, be ashamed to submit to 
the arrangement which the Son of God him- 
self has instituted ; for I assure you that, 
without this means, coarseness, looseness, and 
terrible confusion would be the result. . . . 
Never allow . yourself ' to be betrayed, as the 



206 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

Lord has commanded you, into altering any 
condition of the Church; for before it each 
nobleman must bow. Do not allow yourself 
to be persuaded that your house should be 
specially privileged. Bear in mind that no 
one can offer you a greater insult than to 
attempt to separate you from the body of the 
Church." 

Calvin sent the duchess, with this letter, a 
gold coin, which her father had had made at 
the time of his war with Rome, and which 
bore the inscription, "I will annihilate the 
name of Babylon." 

Renata promised, in her answer, to follow 
the counsel which had been given, although 
other women, as the Queen of Navarre 
and Madame de Coligny, had a voice in 
the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline over 
their households. She was much pleased with 
the present which Calvin made her. She 
had known nothing of this motto of her 
father, and hoped that what he had not 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEA TH. 20/ 

been able to complete, his posterity would be 
able to do. 

Peace and quiet during the remainder of 
Renata's life seemed forbidden. If one un- 
pleasant event was, in some measure, sup- 
pressed, another took its place which afflicted 
her heart no less severely. Such an occur- 
rence was the murder of her son-in-law, who 
had made himself hated more than ever by 
the massacre at Vassy. A Calviuistic fanatic, 
named Poltrot, fancied that he would do God 
a service by removing this bitter enemy of 
the Gospel; so he murdered him at Orleans, 
in the year 1563. The Catholics found ready 
fuel in this act of violence for the flame of 
persecution. 

Although most of the Reformed preachers 
were unprejudiced and impartial, they exulted 
with their congregations over the death of 
their most dangerous enemy, and did not 
seem to think that the manner in which it 
had been done could injure their good cause. 



208 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

Anna, the wife of the murdered man, was 
prostrated with grief, and on every occasion 
expressed her sorrow. The more this was 
known the more bitter were the Reformers 
against her. Renata was divided in her feel- 
ings. She saw the tears of her widowed 
daughter, heard her moans and complaints; 
sympathized with her in her bereavement ; 
how could she join in the shout of joy over 
what had happened.'^ 

What she experienced we learn from her 
own words. She wrote to Calvin : " I will 
not excuse the failings of my son-in-law in 
not having a true knowledge of God, but 
only in the charge of his having alone kin- 
dled the fire. I know that he persecuted 
the Protestants ; but I neither know nor be- 
lieve that he was entirely reprobated by God, 
because he showed signs quite to the con- 
trary before his death. Some people, I am 
well aware, wish that this should not be said, 
and the mouths of those are closed who know 



RETURN TO FRANCE— DEA TH. 209 

it ; and do you not see that, even after his 
death, hatred is not satisfied ?'' 

Calvin answered this letter, and begged the 
duchess to moderate her complaints, for every- 
one said that she was entirely too demonstra- 
tive. David had taught us by his example 
to hold the enemies of God in derision. Re- 
nata should remember what the Church of the 
Lord had been compelled to suffer for years, 
and that these troubles were produced chiefly 
by the Duke of Guise, who, for that reason, 
could find no indulgence. The Protestants 
had often prayed to God to be delivered from 
their bitterest enemy. We must not, there- 
fore, condemn without measure that which had 
served God as an instrument. If the death 
of this man be the cause of so much sen- 
sation, we must not forget the hundred thou- 
sand who had fallen for the sake of their faith. 

Calvin, on his death-bed, dictated another 

letter to the duchess. It read as follows : 

'* Worthy lady, — I pray you to forgive me if 
14 



2IO RE NAT A OF ESTE, 

I write to you by the hand of another, since 
I myself am prevented from doing so on ac- 
count of my great weakness. Now, worthy 
lady, if my counsel is still of weight with 
you, I pray you, do not give yourself tip too 
much to the excitement of your mind ; for 
too violent passions produce many unpleasant 
things. I am not a little surprised that you 
have entirely misunderstood me, as if I, in 
speaking of the condemned, had not expressly 
excluded the person of the Duke of Guise, 
and maintained that those were too bold who 
condemned individuals according to their own 
standard. I shall, therefore, forbear to say 
any thing more to you on this subject, either 
good or evil. I will only refer to one point. 
It was very easy for all well-disposed persons 
to reject you, simply because you are the 
mother-in-law of the Duke of Guise ; but you 
are now all the more honored and beloved, 
because you have not been led away from the 
knowledge of the true faith by this circum- 



RE TURN TO FRANCE— DEA TH. 211 

stance. I also give you the assurance that 
this has caused me to wonder at your virtues/' 
Renata could scarcely overcome her grief at 
the death of her son-in-law; yet she was not 
led astray in her Protestant sentiments. The 
above was the last letter which she received 
from her spiritual father. On the 24th of 
May, 1564, Calvin was called from this life of 
turmoil to his heavenly rest. But many dis- 
turbed days were yet in store for the Duchess 
Renata. The religious civil war in France 
raged with almost uninterrupted fury. Many 
battles were fought, and, especially those which 
occurred near St. Dreux, Jarnace, and Mont- 
contour, proved unfavorable to the Reformers. 
Prince de Conde was shot, without ceremony, 
against all usages of warfare. Anton de Na- 
varre, who had previously apostatized to the 
Catholics, lost his life at the siege of Rouen. 
Peace was declared several times ; as, for in- 
stance, at Orleans, or Amboise, in 1563, at 
Longjumeau in 1566, and at St. Germain-on- 



212 REN A TA OF ESTE, 

Laye in 1570. But the most of these treaties 
of peace were broken almost before they were 
ratified. The one was called the "halting, or 
little," so that one could see by the epithet 
what little value it had. 

The Reformers had their chief power in the 
towns, where they defended themselves with 
extraordinary determination. In the begin- 
ning of the war they possessed exemplary 
order and discipline. As they resorted to 
arms for the sake of conscience, they also 
wished to distinguish themselves by purity 
of morals. No disorderly persons, no cards 
or dice, were suffered among them. No one 
dared utter a blasphemous or an unchaste 
word ; plundering and robbery were strictly 
prohibited. Noblemen paid for what they took 
for themselves and those dependent on them. 
Whoever committed deeds of violence was 
punished most severely. Morning and even- 
ing, public prayer was held ; the king and the 
royal family were not forgotten in them. 



RE TURN TO FRANCE^DEA TH, 2 1 3 

Unfortunately, this exemplary conduct did 
not last long. The remembrance of wrongs 
suffered, daily familiarity with cruelty, con- 
nected with deeply-rooted religious bitter- 
ness, caused even the Huguenots, though 
they had conducted themselves on strictly 
religious principles, to fall into excesses. 
When money failed, they seized the sacred 
vessels in the Catholic churches, and they did 
this with all the less hesitation because they 
considered them as means for the promo- 
tion of idolatry. But however much wrong 
the Reformers may have done, we almost lose 
sight of it when we compare it with what was 
done on the side of their opponents. All 
moral sense appears to have disappeared dur- 
ing this unholy war. All oaths and contracts 
were entirely forgotten or unheeded. The 
conditional surrender of towns or submission 
of soldiers only served to make more sure 
their death. There was scarcely a town be- 
tween the Vosges and Pyrenees which had 



214 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

not been the scene of the most revolting 
cruelties. Fathers and mothers were mur- 
dered before the eyes of their children, and 
children were drowned, strangled, or otherwise 
murdered in the presence of their parents. 

About the year 1570, both parties were ex- 
hausted, and were at least partially weary of 
the war.* Peace was therefore concluded at 
Germain-on-Laye. The Reformers were guar- 
anteed freedom of worship in all those places 
which were in their possession ; pardon for 
all the past was also assured them, as well as 
the right to participate in public offices and 
beneficent institutions, and the permission to 
reside in any place in the kingdom. 

We must take into consideration all these 
circumstances if we wish to judge aright the 
behavior of Renata at this time. We can 
imagine that she had little desire to leave 
Montargis while this civil war was raging 
throughout France. Here she lived, as far as 
it was then possible, undisturbed and at 



RE TURN TO FRANCE— DBA TH, 2 1 5 

peace. Wherever she could, she interfered in 
favor of the Huguenots, either being invited 
by them, or doing so of her own accord. She 
was in correspondence with Protestant minis- 
ters, and especially, with the leaders of par- 
ties — with Admiral Coligny, Cond6, and oth- 
ers. Her correspondence was very extensive. 
For example, she wrote a special letter to a 
forest steward, who had to procure the wood 
that was used during her residence in the 
castle. In the mean time foreign princes ad- 
dressed themselves to her, that they might 
better be able to promote their designs in 
Ftance ; as the Duke of Prussia did, when, in 
the year 1565, he sent an embassy to the 
French king. 

In her neighborhood, religious affairs came 
finally to an open contest between the Catho- 
lics and Protestants. Peace, however, was 
again soon restored by Renata's intervention, 
and the adherents of the different confessions, 
as even Catholic writers admit, lived at Mont- 



2l6 RENATA OF ESTE. 

argis peaceably together. Renata advanced 
this peace by giving help to the poor and 
suffering, without reference to difference of 
faith. She was greatly alarmed at one time 
by a body of four hundred Catholic soldiers 
entering her castle. They were under the 
command of Captain Malicorne, who was 
taking the town by force, and threatened to 
bombard the castle if she did not give up the 
Huguenots who were in it. Renata, at this 
time of danger, displayed her royal mind and 
her fidelity to Protestantism. She declared 
that only the King of France had power to 
command her, and if Captain Malicorne should 
use force she would expose herself, and see if 
he would dare kill a king's daughter. 

These words had their effect, and from this 
time forth the Huguenots found peace under 
the protection of Renata. She traveled but lit- 
tle at this time ; her last journey of any con- 
sequence was with King Charles IX, when he 
made his tour through France. She appears 



RE TURN TO FRANCE— DEA TH, 21/ 

to have had the intention to strengthen by 
her presence the Protestant Christians, to lis- 
ten to their complaints, and, if possible, pro- 
cure protection and assistance from the king. 
'On this journey she experienced, at Toulouse, 
the outbreak of religious hate ; for a mob of 
that city insulted and threw stones at her and 
her curate. 

In the third religious war, which took place 
between 1568 and 1570, armed men again 
came to Montargis, and demanded of Renata 
that she should send away the Huguenots to 
whom she had afforded an asylum. This time 
she was obliged to yield to force, and to give 
up the unfortunate ones. They left their 
noble-hearted benefactress with tears stream- 
ing from their eyes. As they went forth, they 
were in danger of being robbed and murdered 
by enraged Catholic soldiery. Providentially, 
there came up at the right moment a patrol 
of Protestant soldiers, who saved them.. Re- 
nata saw with her own eyes the cruelties of 



2l8 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

St. Bartholemew's night, August 24, 1572; 
for she was among the number of those 
whom the marriage ceremony of the daughter 
of the king had drawn to Paris. She was 
in imminent danger of falling a victim to 
the massacre ; but her steadfastness remained 
unshaken. Through her instrumentality, sev- 
eral Protestants were saved from death. 
Among them were Pastor Merlin and his 
son, and the daughter of the Chancellor 
L'Hopital. She conducted the latter, with an 
escort, which her grandson, the Duke of Guise, 
had procured for her, to Montargis, and pro- 
vided for her further welfare. 

Her temporal circumstances were, to the 
last, such as enabled her to live in a manner 
agreeable to her station, and still to have 
something left with which to relieve the 
needy. She complained, however, that her 
revenues were withheld from her, and her 
privileges restricted. Several legal docu- 
ments, which have reference to her affairs. 



RE TURN TO FRANCE— DEA TH. 2 1 9 

prove that these complaints were not without 
foundation. 

The 1 2th of June, 1575, was the day of 
Renata's happy release. Although she did 
not die by the executioner's sword, she never- 
theless bore the martyr's crown. According 
to her wish, she was interred in the castle 
church, without any pomp or display, as no 
amount of ostentation now could comfort the 
living or be of service to the dead. But the 
men of the royal family could not forbear 
paying some honor to the memory of the 
departed one; they, therefore, had a funeral 
service for her commemoration in the Bourbon 
chapel. 

In her will she expressed her deepest regret 
for the civil war, and for the horrid devasta- 
tions which it had produced, ^he also re- 
peated in it her acknowledgement of the Gos- 
pel, and commended it to her children. She 
regarded it as the foundation of domestic hap- 
piness and national prosperity. The town of 



220 RENATA OF ESTE. 

Montargis had much reason to be grateful 
to its noble inhabitant. She left money for 
the purpose of having benevolent institutions 
erected and general improvements made in 
the town ; so that Montargis soon became 
much changed, and for many years the in- 
habitants continued to show marked respect 
and esteem for the name of Renata. 




VII. 

RENATA'S CHILDREN— THEIR RELATION TO 
THE POET TASSO. 




O the people of Germany, the children 
of Renata, and especially Leonore, 
are known better than Renata herself. 
Who among us has not read the drama of 
" Torquato Tasso," by Goethe ? We will, there- 
fore, make a brief mention of these children. 
The Government of Ferrara devolved upon 
Alphonso II, the eldest son of Renata, whose 
system of management gave occasion to much 
censure. Travelers who visited the city at 
that time were much surprised to see the 
broad streets and the beautifully built and 
magnificently adorned palaces ; but there was 



222 RENATA OF ESTE. 

no real life among the inhabitants. The 
streets were empty, and business nearly sus- 
pended. Almost intolerable taxes oppressed 
the people. A tenth part of each contract, 
even if it were only a loan, each sale and 
purchase — indeed, every thing that brought 
money — flowed into the coffers of the duke. 
A similar quota had to be paid upon every 
thing which was brought into the city. Not 
only was the sale of salt considered and car- 
ried on as a ducal monopoly, but also the 
sale of bread, flour, and other necessaries of 
life; and the maintenance of this law was en- 
forced with such strictness that one neighbor 
hardly ever dared lend any thing of the kind 
to another. Even noblemen were extremely 
limited in the exercise of the chase; and 
the severity with which every transgression of 
this kind was punished is proved by the fact 
that, on one day, six of these gentlemen were 
hanged in the market-place, with dead pheas- 
ants at their feet. 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 223 

Alphonso lived in almost continual hostility 
and strife with the Duke of Tuscany. Nor 
was he on the best terms with his liege lord, 
the Pope. He sought protection against his 
enemies in Italy by an alliance with the Em- 
peror of Germany. He went to Germany 
several times, with a splendid cortege ; and, 
in the year 1566, he rendered valuable assist- 
ance to the emperor against the Turks. He 
also made Ferrara one of the strongest forti- 
fications in Italy. In his wrath, he spared 
neither high nor low. A gentleman named 
Gonzaga had been murdered; and every one 
accused a young nobleman by the name of 
Ercole Contrario of having instigated the 
crime, for the reason that the perpetrator 
found hospitable reception in his house. The 
duke demanded the surrender of the crimi- 
nal, and young Contrario dared not disobey. 
Fearful of being betrayed by the murderer, 
he had him murdered, and delivered up his 
corpse. Alphonso did not for a moment con- 



224 RENATA OF ESTE. 

sider that the family of Contrario belonged to 
one of the most wealthy and powerful houses 
of the land, and that Ercole was its very last 
scion. He gave orders for the latter to come 
to his court. Scarcely, however, had Ercole 
entered the ducal palace before he was again 
borne out, a corpse. The duke maintained 
that he was suddenly seized with apoplexy, in 
the course of their conversation, and fell down 
dead. Traces of violence were, notwithstand- 
ing, perceived on the body. 

No one, especially among the courtiers, 
dared to contradict Alphonso. The most tri- 
fling matter would often result in the loss of 
favor with the duke. One of the most cel- 
ebrated preachers of his time, Panigarola, 
whom the duke had brought to Ferrara at 
great expense, was banished, without hesita- 
tion, because he had entered into some nego- 
tiations with another prince. Fondness for 
the arts and sciences, which for a long time 
had been a characteristic of the members 



CHILDREN— TASSO. 22$ 

of the house of Este, was not wanting in 
Alphonso. He made great exertions, in order 
to prove himself a patron and protector of 
celebrated men, and to be famed and flat- 
tered by them in their writings. His younger 
brother, Luigi, who had become a cardinal at 
an early age, and had received many ecclesi- 
astical prebends, among which was the bish- 
opric of Auch, in France, imitated his elder 
brother in these nobler endeavors; but he 
was, also, not free from failings similar to 
those of Alphonso. 

The two sisters, Lucretia and Leonore, were 
devotedly attached to one another and to their 
brother. They constituted, by the purity of 
their morals and whole life, a striking contrast 
to the dissolute life of the other courtiers. 
Otherwise, they were very different from each 
other. Lucretia manifested more thought and 
reflection ; Leonore more emotion. The for- 
mer was more a woman of the world than her 
sister, and more susceptible to the homage 
'5 



226 REJVATA OF ESTE. 

and flattery which were bestowed upon her 
by her admirers, Leonore,- on the contrary, 
had so little taste for the joys of the world 
that she did not wish to make her appearance 
even at the marriage festivities of her brother. 
She lived in retirement, studying first the old 
poets and then the new. However much, in 
other respects, she had inherited her mother's 
traits of character, s]ie ever remained quite 
free from her Protestant opinions. The Cath- 
olic religion, with its imposing ceremonial, was 
particularly agreeable to her mind; and she, 
as well as all her sisters and brothers, had 
been educated with all care in this respect. 
Among the courtiers, she was almost wor- 
shiped as a saint. The saving of the city 
from a dangerous inundation was ascribed to 
her prayers. 

Torquato Tasso, the poet, who was then 
only twenty-one years of age, came to the 
court of Ferrara in October, 1561. He had 
already gained some celebrity by his heroic 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 22/ , 

poem, "Rinaldo." Cardinal Luigi had re- 
ceived him as a courtier. He was already- 
engaged upon his famous epic, "Jerusalem 
Delivered/' Soon after his arrival in Ferrara, 
the poet, as might be expected, became inti- 
mately acquainted with the two princesses. 
Both of them were of an age when, especially 
in Italy, feminine attractions had passed the 
time of bloom. Lucretia had reached her 
thirty-second year, and Leonore her thirtieth. 
Alphonso manifested great friendship and con- 
descension toward Tasso ; because he hoped 
that he would contribute greatly toward in- 
creasing the splendor of Ferrara and the fame 
of the house of Este. 

The more Tasso ascended in the favor of 
the illustrious brothers and sisters, the more 
busy was envy to estrange the hearts of others 
from him. Tasso may, in some measure, have 
caused an unfavorable opinion of himself by 
his somewhat arrogant nature. Ariosto, the 
poet of " Orlando Furioso," was residing in 



228 RENATA OF ESTE. 

Ferrara, where he had for a long time lived in 
high esteem. The young poet did not conceal 
his desire of surpassing his predecessor ; and 
all his expressions betrayed the consciousness 
that he was certain of a favorable result. Per- 
haps, also, the gay courtiers and other people 
of the world, of whom there were not a few in 
Ferrara, found no special pleasure in the moral 
earnestness which appeared in the writings 
and the whole conduct of Tasso ; so that the 
number of those who were more inimical than 
friendly to Tasso was not small. 

Giovanni Battista Pigna, secretary and his- 
torian of the house of Este, lived at the court 
of the duke. He was much beloved, and pos- 
sessed great influence. This man was, there- 
fore, jealous of Tasso, since the latter, as a 
star of the first magnitude, threw his inferior 
political fame, of which he was somewhat vain, 
far into the shade. His jealousy was still 
greater when he saw that Tasso was not in- 
different to a young lady, Lucretia Bendidio, 



CmLDREN-'TASSO. 229 

to whom he gave his homage. Even the Prin- 
cess Leonore suggested to Tasso that it would 
be prudent in him to try and pacify his op- 
ponent by some friendly words, and thereby 
diminish, if possible, the unpleasant feeling 
which was existing between them. Tasso fol- 
lowed her advice. In the year 1570, the elder 
of the princesses, Lucretia, was married to 
the son of the Duke of Urbino. Tasso made 
known his sympathy with the joyful event by 
a special wedding poem. While he mourned 
her departure, we can not say that a specially 
sensible void had been produced in his life. 

In the following year, the Cardinal Luigi 
made a journey to France, where, on account 
of his position as Archbishop of Auch, he had 
much business to attend to. Tasso, as his 
courtier, was obliged to follow him. The cir- 
cumstances of Tasso could not have been very 
favorable, or he was a very bad manager. 
We read in the orders which he made before 
his journey, that he pawned some articles of 



230 RENATA OF ESTE. 

clothing with a Jew for twenty-five lires, and 
to another a carpet for thirteen scudi. He 
made the necessary disposition in regard to 
his poem, as well as his possessions, in case 
he should die before his return. It is of par- 
ticular interest to us to learn that he remarked 
to the friends whom he appointed as his ex- 
ecutors, that if any difficulties should be 
placed in the way of the carrying out of his 
orders, they might appeal to the Princess 
Leonore, who, he knew, would not, out of 
love for him, refuse to render any assistance 
necessary. 

At Paris, the connection between the poet 
and his master. Cardinal Luigi, was dissolved, 
for some unknown reason ; but not long after- 
ward we find Tasso again in the service of 
Duke Alphonso. His enemies had not yet 
succeeded in entirely withdrawing from him 
the favor of the duke. The sisters may have 
had some influence in bringing about his re- 
turn, and procuring him a friendly reception. 



CHILDREN— TASSO. 23 1 

He could now proceed with his epic with fresh 
courage and inspiration. He made some prog- 
ress, although not to the extent and with the 
rapidity which the duke wished and hoped. 
The poet went deliberately to work, and would 
not allow himself to be often interrupted with 
other poetical work. On the death of Alphon- 
so's first wife, he was obliged to fulfill his duty 
as court poet. He also finished, about this 
time, a pastoral drama, entitled, "Amyntas." 
He did not wish to publish this work for sev- 
eral reasons, and had it represented only in 
Ferrara. 

Lucretia wished to become acquainted with 
this new proof of her friend's poetical genius. 
Tasso, therefore, with the permission of the 
duke, was compelled to comply with the invi- 
tation, and repair with his manuscript to Pe- 
saro. The poet remained for several months 
with his former patroness, and was affection- 
ately welcomed by the entire ducal court. As 
the duchess was obliged to accompany her 



232 RENATA OP ESTE, 

husband to an estate where he could enjoy- 
himself in hunting and fishing, she entreated 
Tasso to go with them as a companion. In 
the Autumn he returned to Ferrara, taking 
with him many expensive presents which he 
had received. 

In the following Spring, the "Jerusalem De- 
livered" progressed so far that a poet less exact 
and critical would have published it without 
further labor ; but Tasso wished first to hear 
the judgment of an experienced friend, and 
therefore sent his work to his patron, Scipio 
Gonzaga, at Rome, in order that he might read 
it through with the eye of a critic, and allow 
other persons of education and taste to do the 
same. The opinions of these critics were very 
different, so that Tasso continually became 
more uneasy and hesitating. His mind seemed 
much affected by their decisions; and from 
this time forth he lost all confidence in him- 
self, and became distrustful of others. He 
had written several letters to his friends in 



CHILDREN-'TASSO. 233 

Rome, and because they were not promptly 
received, he entertained the suspicion that 
they had been intercepted on the way, for the 
purpose of being used to his disadvantage. 

Duke Alphonso noticed, to his great grief, 
the altered tone of the poet's mind, and ex- 
erted himself in order to dissipate his mistrust 
and make him cheerful again. He invited 
him to read the poem in his presence, and 
conversed as much as possible with him. He 
also allowed him to accompany him to his 
villa of Belriguardo. r 

All this attention, however, seemed to 
cheer him but for a short time ; even the 
return home of the Princess Lucretia pro- 
duced no essential improvement. She made 
repeated efforts to dissipate his sadness, but 
his grief could not be appeased permanently. 
He longed to go to Rome, that he might have 
an understanding with his critics. The duke 
gave his consent unwillingly to this journey. 
But Tasso was not to be moved from his inten- 



234 RENATA OF ESTE. 

tion ; he could not feel comfortable in his ex- 
isting situation, since he thought that he was 
surrounded by enemies. His greatest desire 
was to be placed in other relations, and the 
most agreeable to him would have been a free 
and independent position in Rome. 

Alphonso looked forward with impatience 
to the finishing and publication of the much- 
discussed epic, and feared that if Tasso were 
allowed to leave before that took place, he 
would omit all those places which had refer- 
ence to the house of Este, and thus rob him 
of his anticipated fame. He reluctantly gave 
the desired permission ; but from that hour 
there remained an incurable wound in his 
relations to the poet. Unfortunately, Tasso's 
residence in Rome did not improve his state 
of mind. Oral explanations produced no bet- 
ter understanding between him and his critics. 
To add to the embarrassment of the poet, he 
was undecided as to whether he should return 
to Ferrara or not. His conscience dictated 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 235 

that he ought not to leave the ducal court 
before the publication of his epic. He also 
felt linked to Ferrara by invisible bonds, or 
he would have chosen Florence for a resi- 
dence, where he had received assurances that 
he would have a friendly reception. 

Tasso, moreover, was troubled with religious 
doubts and scruples. He returned again to 
Ferrara, and was received in the most friendly 
manner by his former patrons and patronesses. 
About this time a young lady, Leonore San- 
vitale, the wife of Count Scandiano, created 
much excitement in the city on account of 
her amiability and intellectual talents. Tasso 
also was captivated by her lovely appearance, 
and, of all the admirers of this lady, he was 
fortunate in receiving the most attention. In 
this, as might be expected, he aroused the 
envy and antagonism of the other admirers, 
but his imagination greatly increased the 
number. He fancied that, on all sides, there 
were intentions and designs to injure him. 



236 RENATA OF ESTE. 

On setting out on a journey to Modena, he 
delivered all the keys of his apartments to a 
court attendant, with the exception of that 
belonging to the one in which he kept his 
books and private papers. On his return, he 
instantly saw that this room had been opened. 
His melancholy now became more profound 
and perceptible. The Princess Leonore took 
an affectionate interest in the unfortunate 
poet, and begged him to accompany her to 
the beautiful villa of Consandoli, eighteen 
miles from Ferrara. This residence had a 
good influence on the poet, so that he re- 
turned to Ferrara invigorated in spirit. An 
aggravating event occurred about this time 
which greatly increased his depression of 
spirits. It was said that he had intrusted 
his secrets to a man whose faithfulness then 
appeared beyond suspicion. This individual, 
however, betrayed his confidence, and so ex- 
cited his anger that he called him to the 
ducal palace to give an account of himself. 



CHILDREN-- TASSO. 237 

Tasso so far forgot himself as to attack this 
friend, and give him a blow. The latter did 
not venture, however, to challenge the poet 
on the spot, but afterward offered to fight a 
duel with him. 

When Tasso had repaired to the appointed 
place, and the duel had commenced, three 
brothers of his opponent appeared and at- 
tacked him. According to another account, 
it did not come to a challenge at all ; but the 
false friend, some days after he had been 
attacked, came, with his brothers, and grasped 
the poet ; but the latter defended himself 
so bravely that the assassins were obliged 
to flee. 

This incident remained without further con- 
sequence. The duke did not appear to be 
particularly angry; at least the report that he 
was the cause of Tasso's imprisonment is not 
corroborated by history. On the contrary, he 
at that time gave the poet especial proof of 
his good-will, from which it is evident that 



238 RENATA OF ESTE. 

the ducal family had not been unpleasantly 
concerned in the discovered secret. 

It was very painful for the poet to learn 
that his epic had been printed, in several 
Italian cities, without his knowledge. He 
thought that it required much improvement 
before being presented to the public, and saw 
himself, besides, robbed of considerable pecu- 
niary compensation. His depression of mind 
increased from day to day, and he could not 
banish the fear of being poisoned or murdered. 
All friendly admonition of the duke and his 
sisters failed of effect. One day he went into 
the apartment of the Duchess of Urbino, and 
attacked, with a drawn dagger, one of her 
servants, whom he suspected of preparing 
snares for him. The duke had the poet im- 
prisoned, to prevent further mischief; but, 
after a few days, he again set him at liberty, 
Tasso promising that he would allow him- 
self to be thoroughly treated by a physician. 
The duke evidently took much interest in 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 239 

the unhappy man. He also influenced him to 
appear before the Inquisition, in order to put 
his mind at rest with respect to his orthodoxy. 

Tasso was not willing to keep his promise, 
and undergo a thorough medical treatment, 
for fear that poison would be administered 
with his medicine, and that he would be for- 
bidden the use of wine, which he loved so 
much. He wrote to the duke in such a man- 
ner that the latter felt himself insulted, and 
forbade the poet to write again to himself or 
his sisters. Tasso then gave up to despair, 
and in this state of mind fled to his sister in 
Sorrento, without money, without his cloth- 
ing, and without his manuscripts. 

After a while, he reproached himself most 
bitterly for leaving his former patrons and 
friends in so imprudent a manner. He wrote 
to the duke and to his sisters, but only re- 
ceived an answer from Leonore, and such a 
one as to inspire him with but little hope. 
Notwithstanding this, he resolved to return 



240 RENATA OF ESTE, 

to Ferrara, and to approach the ducal family 
with confidence. Alphonso granted his plea 
for a reconciliation, although on the repeated 
condition that Tasso should submit to thor- 
ough medical treatment. 

After a short time, the old disposition re- 
turned, and, indeed, with all the more force, 
since his manuscripts were refused him. The 
duke feared that if he delivered them up the 
poet would immediately leave the city. His 
suspicions were correct ; for, not long after- 
ward, Tasso escaped secretly, like a fugitive, 
without even his manuscripts. He repaired, 
after fruitless wanderings, to the court of the 
Duke of Savoy, at Turin ; but nowhere could 
he find the desired rest. A secret magnet 
drew him back to Ferrara. His arrival there 
occurred just when every body was busy with 
the festivities incident to the reception of the 
second wife of the duke. No one in the 
whole court troubled himself about the unbid- 
den guest. Indeed, after the festivities were 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 24 1 

over, he did not receive that attention he had 
expected. He was filled with indignation, and 
did not know how to control himself, so that 
he uttered many invectives against the duke 
and the ducal family, and revoked the eulogies 
on them which he had distributed through his 
poem. The consequence was that the duke 
had him placed in the Hospital of St. Anne, 
in which persons were kept who were of in- 
sane mind. 

Here he was confined for several years, 
and, indeed, during the early part of the 
period, in the closest manner. The principal 
of the hospital, Augostino Mosti, indulged a 
personal prejudice against Tasso, and with- 
held from him even such comforts as he 
might otherwise have afforded him without 
hesitation. 

Some time afterward, the poet was again 

allowed to use ink and paper, according to 

his wish. He wrote affecting letters to the 

duke, wherein he begged most urgently to be 
16 



242 REN ATA OF ESTE. 

restored to liberty ; but an answer was never 
vouchsafed to him. Some poems, also, which 
he sent to the princesses, were without suc- 
cess. The intercession of other princes to 
whom Tasso appealed were of as little effect 
toward his release. The same answer was 
always given, "That he was only detained 
for the cure of his mental derangement, and 
would be set at liberty as soon as that 
occurred." The letters and poems which he 
wrote at this time manifest that this alleged 
derangement had no real existence. 

In the year 1580, Tasso received a better 
room, in which he could move about more 
freely, and could employ himself with litera- 
ture. Later, he obtained permission to go 
out and visit some friends in the city; yet 
he remained virtually a prisoner, and it is not 
to be wondered at that his health became 
much impaired, and that his melancholy 
increased. On the 6th of July, 1586, the 
unhappy poet again received the liberty of 



CHILDREN-^TASSO. 243 

which he had so long been deprived. The 
Duke of Modena, whose sister Alphonso had 
married, had given his brother-in-law the 
promise that no one should have any thing 
to fear from him. Tasso traveled from Fer- 
rara in company with his liberator, without, 
as he wished, having had a farewell audience 
of the ducal family. 

We can not follow the poet on his long 
wanderings. We can only say that he re- 
mained in no place long, as he could not find 
the rest he sought. Death overtook him on 
the 25th of April, 1595, at Rome, where he 
was soon to have received the honor of being 
crowned with laurel. 

It only remains for us now to answer 
the question, because it so nearly concerns 
the family of Este, What was the reason 
of the long imprisonment of the poet, and in 
what relation did he stand to his princely 
patrons, especially to the two sisters, Lucre- 
tia and Leonore.? The opinion is almost 



244 RENATA OF ESTE. 

universal that Tasso ardently loved Leonore, 
and that this attachment was the cause of the 
anger of the duke and the harshness resulting 
from it. Goethe has followed this view in his 
drama, and, we think, for reasons that are not 
to be underrated. 

The first biographer of the poet, Manso, 
a contemporary and acquaintance of Tasso, 
hints at this relationship. Shortly afterward, 
we find in several poems allusions to this cir- 
cumstance. In an allegorical comedy, which 
appeared five years after the above-mentioned 
biography, the poet is presented to the muse 
Calliope, and reference is made to Tasso's 
ardent affection for Leonore. In a novel 
which was published in Venice, in the year 
1662, it is remarked that the emperor him- 
self had solicited the hand of the Princess 
Leonore, and that she gave a refusal, because 
Tasso had expressed his despair in a poem 
concerning her removal. This was the secret 
which Tasso intrusted to his false friend, and 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 245 

the discovery of which occasioned so much 
strife. 

An ItaUan historian of the last century, 
Muratori, who occupied himself specially with 
the history of the family of Este, relates that, 
when a youth, he had heard from the Abbot 
Frarizesko Caraffa, of Modena, the following: 
" One day when Tasso was in company with the 
duke and the two sisters, and had approached 
Leonore, in order to answer a question, he 
manifested more than ordinary affection for 
her. The duke quietly and discreetly turned 
to the persons present and said: 'See what a 
great misfortune! So great a man has be- 
come deranged!' In order to withdraw him 
from worse treatment, he had him placed in 
the hospital of St. Anne.'* 

While we dare not ignore this statement 
altogether, there are, nevertheless, many things 
which contradict it. How is it to be explained 
that such a report did not get abroad earlier.^ 
How can we believe that the many enemies 



246 REN ATA OF ESTE, 

of the poet did not hear of this fact; and, 
if they did hear it, how could they remain 
silent ? 

We doubt, therefore, after calm considera- 
tion and examination, much that was said and 
written. Still w^e do not agree with those who 
deny the existence of any attachment between 
the poet and the princess. Leonore was cer- 
tainly ten years older than Tasso, and was in 
her thirtieth year w^hen she became acquainted 
with him, and in her forty-second year when 
Tasso was placed in the hospital. 

This poet, with all his humility and mod- 
esty, possessed so much self-consciousness and 
poetical pride that he could not consider it 
presumption to make a princess the object of 
his affections. It is true that he must have 
been drawn to Ferrara by some powerful at- 
traction. Otherwise, he would hardly have 
despised the well-intended and well-grounded 
advice of discreet friends, and continually re- 
turned to this city. 



CHILDREN'-TASSO, 247 

His poems prove unmistakably that he had 
chosen Leonore as the object of his love, and 
some passages point undeniably to the prin- 
cess. In conclusion, we must not forget that 
on his journey to Paris he expressed to his 
friend that Leonore would, out of love for him, 
give her aid in carrying out his last will and 
testament We do not believe, however, that 
any formal and mutual declaration of attach- 
ment had taken place. His enemies certainly 
would not have allowed this opportunity of 
injuring him to pass by unimproved, if they 
had had the slightest suspicion of such a 
relation. 

The conduct of the poet toward the duke, 
when he returned from Turin to Ferrara, is 
given as the reason of his imprisonment. 
Tasso alleges, as the cause of much of his 
unhappiness, the insulting expressions which 
he had used against the duke; and, in his 
letters out of prison, he begs Alphonso to 
pardon all his misgivings in this respect. In 



248 RENA TA OF ESTE, 

several of his poems, he complains of his 
anger, which had urged him on to ruin. 

If we enumerate the many cruelties which 
the duke permitted to be exercised toward 
high and low during his reign, we will con- 
sider the severity with which he treated Tasso 
as a procedure quite in harmony with his 
character. 

Leonore died before Tasso gained his free- 
dom. Her death occurred on the loth of 
February, 1581, apparently of consumption. 
No poem on her death, from Tasso's pen, is 
known to have been written. The princess 
spent the evening of her life in great retire- 
ment, and won for herself, by reason of her 
piety, a kind of saintliness. Her whole life 
and endeavors were directed to things high 
and heavenly. 

Lucretia survived her sister, and was a 
woman of great spirit until her death. When 
her brother Alphonso died, in 1594, without 
an heir, she placed hinderances, as far as she 



CHILDREN— TASSO, 249 

could, in the way of the succession of her 
step-Uncle, Caesar of Este, and supported the 
efforts of the Pope to make Ferrara a Papal 
fief. Caesar was obliged to be satisfied with 
Modena. 

Anna, the eldest daughter of Renata, after 
the murder of her first husband, married his 
brother Jacob, Duke of Aumale. She was at 
enmity with the Huguenots ; for she consid- 
ered them all as participants in the murder 
of her husband. She was particularly angry' 
with Admiral Coligny, who was unjustly 
charged with having secretly incited the as- 
sassination. It is said that she occasioned 
the wounding of Coligny, but a short time 
before his assassination. In her private life, 
however, she was blameless, so that it could 
be said that she had carefully guarded her 
moral conduct as the best inheritance from 
her mother and grandmother. 

In the contest of the city of Paris against 
Henry IV, she proved herself the opponent 



250 RENATA OF ESTE. 

of the latter; for she urged the citizens to 
resistance, and supported them, as far as she 
could. She lived until 1607, gi'eatly esteemed 
and almost adored by her friends. 

Unprejudiced readers may be in doubt as 
to whom to give the preference, to the mother 
or the daughters. What they possessed of 
goodness they owed to her, while their im- 
perfections can, without much difficulty, be 
attributed to another source. 

We think Renata had judged the state of 
things aright when, as a widow, she left Italy 
and sought the land of her childhood and 
youth. Would her son, whom we have not 
seen from the most advantageous side, have 
bestowed upon her as much respect and 
allowed her as much freedom as she enjoyed 
in France."^ Could she have quietly looked 
on while her own son, as ruler, entirely lost 
sight of all care for the well-being of his sub- 
jects.^ and would there have existed between 
her and her fanatically Catholic daughters 



CH1LDREN--TASS0. 2$ I 

that unity which there should be between 
mother and daughter? 

Ariosto, however, has interwoven into his 
epic the following in honor of Renata: 

"For every virtue that hath woman graced, 
Since fire hath warmed or water hath made wet, 
Or the heavens have arched above us, I see 
Adorn Renata, with her sister choir." 

Another Catholic writer says of the duch- 
ess: "She was adorned with all manner of 
accomplishments, and stands in history as a 
clear and shining light; but as, in paintings, 
light is rendered more conspicuous by shade, 
so the virtues of the duchess become more 
prominent by the shade of her heresy. That 
was the only fault which it has been possible 
to perceive in her." 

But we, as Protestants, consider this failing 
as a virtue. We have recorded some weak- 
nesses in her character; but we must remem- 
ber her circumstances and the times in which 
she lived. Let him who can boast that he 



252 



RENA TA OF ESTE, 



has done better under similar circumstances 
be the one to cast the first stone! We feel 
that we can safely say of Renata, "The mem- 
ory of the just is blessed!" 




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